police accountability https://truthvoice.com Wed, 22 May 2019 11:32:42 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.0.2 https://i0.wp.com/truthvoice.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/cropped-truthvoice-logo21-1.png?fit=32%2C32&ssl=1 police accountability https://truthvoice.com 32 32 194740597 Smartphone App Allows Citizens to Depend on Each Other for Emergency Services Instead of Police https://truthvoice.com/2015/12/smartphone-app-allows-citizens-to-depend-on-each-other-for-emergency-services-instead-of-police/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=smartphone-app-allows-citizens-to-depend-on-each-other-for-emergency-services-instead-of-police Sun, 27 Dec 2015 09:45:34 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/12/smartphone-app-allows-citizens-to-depend-on-each-other-for-emergency-services-instead-of-police/
Smartphone App Allows Citizens to Depend on Each Other for Emergency Services Instead of Police

cell411ad

We live in a world where we are forced to pay for services that are unreliable, corrupt and brutal. We are taught from a young age that you pick up the phone and dial 911 at the first sign of trouble.

But sadly, we increasingly see the responders to our pleas for help showing up and making matters worse.

I’ve been there a number of times myself. I see something bad that is  too much for me to handle. I pull out my phone to dial 911 and then stop, thinking police will just make matters worse, something we all should think about before he make that call.

I could not live with myself if I made the call for help that ended in tragedy for a loved one.

So what are we to do?

One solution is an app called CELL 411 developed by an activist developer. In this simple but powerful app, you are able to alert all of your friends in your area of a problem, giving them instant access to your location and status (ie. broken down, fight in progress, copwatching ect).  You can also watch what is happening live at your friend’s location with the live streaming feature.

screen4Why call 911 for a problem and wait 12 to 20 minutes for a response when you can simply alert all your neighbors and get instant assistance? The app even saves the videos you stream, allowing you or any of your friends to access to download it.

So the big question is how much is it? Well the app started out at the insanely reasonable price of 99 cents, but after a few months, its creators decided it was important the app gets used by as many people as possible, so they made it free.

There are endless ways this can help you and your loved ones. No longer do you need to dial the phone dreading who will show up.

Now you can control whom you alert. You can even set the app to “patrol mode,” meaning any public alert sent out in your area will get pushed to your phone.

 

I try here not to sound too much like a salesman but I really do use this app all of the time. Its a way to watch your friends’ backs even if you are not there physically.

Just yesterday I even was able to find my wife’s exact location when she broke down on the highway. Knowing that she has Cell411 on her phone makes me feel so much safer.

Below are a list of resources as well as download links for Google Play and Apple as well as a YouTube video explaining more.

Cell411 webpage:  http://getcell411.com

By Severin Johnson

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Colorado About to Require All Police Officers to Undergo Psychological Evaluations https://truthvoice.com/2015/12/colorado-about-to-require-all-police-officers-to-undergo-psychological-evaluations/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=colorado-about-to-require-all-police-officers-to-undergo-psychological-evaluations Tue, 15 Dec 2015 09:43:11 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/12/colorado-about-to-require-all-police-officers-to-undergo-psychological-evaluations/

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Colorado ruled Monday that police officers in the state be required to undergo full psychological evaluations. The checks would occur before an officer is hired, and every time an officer changes jobs or jurisdictions in the state thereafter, the Denver Post reported.

According to the Post, state law already requires psychological evaluations but such checks are rarely carried out in practice. The new rules were affirmed during a meeting of the Colorado Peace Officer Standards and Training Board.

The loose protocols have largely benefited problem officers who can shuffle between departments when they have committed violations. In many cases, they end up in more impoverished rural areas which typically have difficulty finding qualified candidates.

“What the public is concerned about is that police departments don’t pass off someone that is a problem in one department to another department,” Grand Junction, Colorado police chief and POST vice chairman, John S. Camper, told Mic. Camper disputed the Post‘s claim that the primary screenings were not being enforced. “I haven’t heard of that,” he said. “I can tell you in the departments I’ve been in … we do psych tests on everyone.”

The problem of under-qualified officers being given the power of deadly force has had consequences far beyond the state of Colorado. Earlier this year, Robert Bates, a septuagenarian and an Oklahoma Sheriff’s deputy, shot and killed a fleeing suspect. Bates, who was not a career officer, reportedly fired his weapon by mistake when he intended to reach for his Taser. It is unclear whether Bates submitted to a psychological exam before being given a weapon. The Oklahoma Sheriff’s deputy program, however, came under considerable scrutiny for lax security protocols after the incident.

The call for stricter mental health inspection comes as instances of police brutality have been documented with increasing regularity across the country. Videos like those of the shooting of Chicago teenager Laquan McDonald and the 50-year-old Walter Scott in South Carolina show officers gunning down suspects as they moved away from them.

While the new Colorado regulation won’t be codified in state law, failure to adhere to the tightened policy could come with severe consequences. Said Camper, “If a person doesn’t comply with this, then they’ve got the potential to not be allowed to be certified as a police officer.”

By Jon Levine

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Premium Activism App is Now FREE https://truthvoice.com/2015/11/premium-activism-app-is-now-free-in-honor-of-november-5th/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=premium-activism-app-is-now-free-in-honor-of-november-5th Thu, 05 Nov 2015 09:39:19 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/11/premium-activism-app-is-now-free-in-honor-of-november-5th/

Cell 411

“Your pretty empire took so long to build, now, with a snap of history’s fingers, down it goes.” – V for Vendetta

Empires and tyrants have fallen down over much less than technical challenges, and this is what the creators of Cell 411 are trying to do, challenge the status quo and take the power out of the hands of government employees and put it back in the hands of people.

This activist-oriented and emergency tracking app has now been released for free to anyone and everyone willing to take action and participate in events like Cop Blocking, recording police activities or just simply help out people in need without assistance from government employees.

Up until now the app cost 99 cents however the creators and developers of the app decided to make it free on a permanent basis in order to encourage adoption but also put police on notice about the fact that new disruptive technologies are now available to everyone who owns a smart phone and is willing to keep them accountable. Turns out that November 5th is a great day to make the app free! (Note: the iOS version of the app is still pending review in the Apple store and will be free immediately upon approval)

The app has a plethora of features and enabled users to notify friends, family and other contacts of emergencies in real time, with exact GPS coordinates and turn-by-turn directions to their location. Users can stream live video of encounters and also send other types of alerts to contacts.  Users can create neighborhood watch groups and use the app to police their own neighborhood, or family groups to alert each other of car troubles for example.

Better yet, the app has a “Dispatch Mode” which allows for the dispatching of alerts from other locations, which allows for a fully decentralized method of managing emergencies without using government resources. A “Patrol Mode” option also allows users in need of help to engage others in the same geographic area without previously knowing or meeting these individuals or establishing prior relationships.

It is important to note that the app has only been out for a little over 4 months and has received attention from international newspapers and activist organizations.

Cell 411 already has very good reviews in both Apple and Google app stores.

Visit getcell411.com to download it.

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FBI Director Again Blames Citizens With Smart Phones For Increase in Crime https://truthvoice.com/2015/10/fbi-director-again-blames-citizens-with-smart-phones-for-increase-in-crime/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=fbi-director-again-blames-citizens-with-smart-phones-for-increase-in-crime Tue, 27 Oct 2015 09:26:21 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/10/fbi-director-again-blames-citizens-with-smart-phones-for-increase-in-crime/

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Twice in recent days, FBI Director James B. Comey has stepped to a podium here and asserted that police across the nation are reluctant to aggressively enforce the law in the post-Ferguson era of smartphones and YouTube.

And twice his comments have drawn disagreement and derision from a host of sources, including civil rights activists, law enforcement officials and, on Monday, the White House.

“The available evidence at this point does not support the notion that law enforcement officers around the country are shying away from fulfilling their responsibilities,” White House press secretary Josh Earnest said Monday at a news briefing in Washington. “The evidence that we’ve seen so far doesn’t support the contention that law enforcement officials are somehow shirking their responsibility.”

Comey, nonetheless, stayed the course, telling thousands of police officials gathered here for a conference of the International Association of Chiefs of Police that a violent crime wave is gripping the nation’s major cities. And he suggested that police officers themselves are in part to blame, made gun shy by the prospect of getting caught on the next video of alleged police brutality.

The “age of viral videos” has fundamentally altered U.S. policing, Comey said Monday in a speech virtually identical to one he delivered last week at the University of Chicago Law School.

His comments have been interpreted as giving credence to the notion of a “Ferguson effect” — the theory that riots and racial unrest in places such as Ferguson, Mo., and Baltimore, where police killed civilians, has prompted police officers to become more restrained. That, in turn, has theoretically resulted in an uptick in violent crime as criminals become emboldened.

Comey acknowledged Monday that he has little evidence to support the theory.

“The question is, are these kinds of things changing police behavior around the country? The honest answer is: I don’t know for sure whether that’s the case,” he said, but he added that “I do have a strong sense” it’s true.

It’s “the one theory that to my mind and to my common sense does explain” rising rates of urban violence in 2015.

Coming from the nation’s top law enforcement official, the remarks have landed like a bombshell in criminal-justice circles, offending people across the political spectrum. Civil rights groups and activists have taken deep exception to the idea that crime rates might be linked to protests against police brutality.

Amnesty International USA Executive Director Steven Hawkins called Comey’s comments “outrageous” and “unsubstantiated.”

Policing groups, meanwhile, have been equally infuriated by the assertion that their officers have been somehow derelict in their duties, frightened by teenagers with cellphone cameras.

“Time and time again [Comey] generalizes about a segment of the population that he knows nothing about,” said James O. Pasco Jr., executive director of the National Fraternal Order of Police. “He has never been a police officer.”

Comey is “like the scarecrow in ‘The Wizard of Oz,’ ” Pasco said. “He wanders around pretending to be smart and then at the end they give him a diploma and he thinks he’s a genius. They swear him in as the director of the FBI and all of a sudden he’s an expert on what police officers are thinking.”

The speeches also have put Comey at odds with the White House, as President Obama is eager to take credit for lowering the crime rate.

As Comey was preparing to deliver his address Friday, Obama was hosting a criminal-justice forum at the White House, where he celebrated “incredible, historic reductions in crime over the last 20 years.”

“I know that there’s been some talk in the press about spikes that are happening this year relative to last year. I’ve asked my team to look very carefully at it — Attorney General [Loretta E.] Lynch has pulled together a task force — and it does look like there are a handful of cities where we’re seeing higher-than-normal spikes,” Obama said at the time. However, he added, “across the 93 or 95 top cities, it’s very hard to distinguish anything statistically meaningful.”

In his speech Monday, Comey also urged law enforcement leaders to stop engaging in an us-vs.- them tug of war with protesters from Black Lives Matter, the group that sprung up in the wake of the August 2014 shooting of a black teenager by a white police officer in Ferguson.

Instead, Comey said, police chiefs should use the budding protest movement as a window into the minds of those they are charged with protecting.

“There is a line of law enforcement and a line of communities we serve, especially communities of color,” Comey said. “Each time somebody interprets ‘hashtag Black Lives Matter’ as anti-law-enforcement, one line moves away. And each time someone interprets ‘hashtag Police Lives Matter’ as anti-black, the other line moves away.”

Comey’s comments come weeks after he held a session with 100 city leaders and law enforcement officials from across the nation. At that meeting, many — including Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel (D) — reported that police morale was sinking in their towns amid ongoing scrutiny.

“We have allowed our police department to get fetal, and it is having a direct consequence,” Emanuel said during the meeting. “They have pulled back from the ability to interdict. . . . They don’t want to be a news story themselves. They don’t want their career ended early. And it’s having an impact.”

Comey said such feedback has served as inspiration for his recent speeches, in which he declared that violent-crime rates are being inflated by “a chill wind blowing through American law enforcement over the last year.”

“That wind is surely changing behavior,” Comey said, later adding: “We need to figure out what’s happening and deal with it now. I refuse to wait. . . . These aren’t data points — these are lives.”

In his speech, Comey also contradicted what has been the administration’s stance on the incarceration of thousands of men and women in the 1980s and 1990s related to the national drug war.

“Each drug dealer, each mugger, each killer and each felon with a gun had his own lawyer, his own case, his own time before judge and jury, his own sentencing, and, in many cases, an appeal or other post-sentencing review,” Comey said. “There were thousands and thousands of those individual cases, but to speak of ‘mass incarceration,’ I believe, is confusing, and it distorts an important reality.”

The Obama administration has worked to undo many of the policies that are credited with spurring a period of “mass incarceration,” and has boasted that 2014 was the first year in modern history that both the crime rate and number of federal prisoners declined.

“I can’t speak to the range of Director Comey’s views on this topic,” Earnest said when asked about Comey’s remarks on mass incarceration. “The president certainly does believe that there are certain elements of the criminal-justice system that are not serving the country in communities all across the country very well.”

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Here’s How Police Could End Up Making Body Cameras Mostly Useless https://truthvoice.com/2015/10/heres-how-police-could-end-up-making-body-cameras-mostly-useless/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=heres-how-police-could-end-up-making-body-cameras-mostly-useless Sat, 10 Oct 2015 09:26:50 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/10/heres-how-police-could-end-up-making-body-cameras-mostly-useless/
LOS ANGELES, CA - SEPTEMBER 04: Los Angeles Police Officer Jim Stover, with Information Technology Bureau demonstrates how an officer turns on the new LAPD body camera during a press conference at LAPD Mission Division Friday September 4, 2015 as they talked about the rollout of the agency's officer body cameras. The rollout of the body cameras began last Monday at LAPD's Mission Division in the north San Fernando Valley when officers received final instructions on using the cameras during roll call training sessions. About 1,000 video were recorded during the first two days of operation, according to Mayor Eric Garcetti. (Photo by Al Seib/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)

LOS ANGELES, CA – SEPTEMBER 04: Los Angeles Police Officer Jim Stover, with Information Technology Bureau demonstrates how an officer turns on the new LAPD body camera during a press conference at LAPD Mission Division Friday September 4, 2015 (Photo by Al Seib/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)

Moments before he died, Charly Keunang took a swing at a cop. This wasn’t an ordinary jab or hook. In cell phone video filmed by a bystander in March, the 43-year-old homeless man can be seen spinning toward a group of Los Angeles police officers, arms flailing. He looks more like the Tasmanian Devil than Mike Tyson.

The whirlwind attack lasts a few seconds, and then ends just as quickly as it began. Keunang, a Cameroonian immigrant who was known as “Africa” on Los Angeles’ Skid Row, careens wildly into the incoming fist of one of the officers. The cop punches Keunang in the face and takes him to the ground, where the scuffle continues.

“Stop resisting,” officers yell as they try to subdue Keunang. Four officers blanket him, and you can hear the sound of one of their stun guns clicking. “He has my gun. He has my gun,” screams one. The officers then open fire.

An autopsy later shows that two bullets struck Keunang in the chest at close range. Two entered elsewhere on his torso, and two hit his left arm. Keunang was pronounced dead at the scene, his name among at least 61 unarmed black men killed by police this year, according to a database compiled by The Guardian.

Keunang frantically swings at LAPD officers at the beginning of a bystander video recorded on March 1. The clip has been slowed for clarity.

The eyewitness video of Keunang’s death went viral, sparking protests from Angelenos who argued the shooting was further proof that the city’s police department should overhaul its use of force policy and rethink its approach to dealing with the mentally ill. More than 1,000people with mental illnesses are estimated to live on the streets of Skid Row, an expanse of downtown Los Angeles that has one of the nation’s biggest populations of homeless people living on the streets. Tensions between police and civilians in the area run high.

As the public searches for answers about what happened on that afternoon in March, a new set of concerns has emerged about police officers’ use of body cameras — and how, or if, the devices will promote accountability and transparency if the policies that govern the footage are overly restrictive.

Two of the officers involved in Keunang’s killing were equipped with body cameras that were recording during the episode. Although investigators have that footage in their possession, the LAPD has not publicly released it. Under recently adopted policy, the department likely won’t release the videos unless it’s compelled to do so in a criminal or civil court proceeding.

Without the body camera footage, a number of questions linger. What happened before the confrontation became physical? Could officers have done a better job of de-escalating? Does the body camera video provide a clearer picture of how and why officers resorted to deadly force?

The existing bystander footage has provided little conclusive evidence. LAPD officials have claimed the most-watched video shows Keunang grabbing an officer’s firearm during the struggle, causing the officer to fear for his life. More than seven months later, the Los Angeles County district attorney, Jackie Lacey, hasn’t announced whether charges will be filed against any of the officers.

To complicate matters further, the few journalists who have seen the body camera footage say it challenges the official police account and calls the department’s tactics into question. At GQ,Jeff Sharlet wrote that the video never shows Keunang gain control of the officer’s weapon. Gale Holland and Richard Winton of the Los Angeles Times reported that officers repeatedly threatened to use a Taser on Keunang before he got violent, while he was trying to talk with them.

It’s unclear if the body camera videos will affect the decision about whether to charge the officers in Keunang’s death. If the LAPD gets its way and the footage is not released, the public will be asked to trust that Lacey made her decision correctly and impartially. In other words, the presence of body cameras will have changed very little in this case, at least outwardly.

With more and more police departments beginning to adopt officer-worn camera technology, Keunang’s death and its aftermath should serve as a warning. When the White House announced a $75 million initiative last year to expand body camera programs around the nation, it said the devices would help “build and sustain trust between communities and those who serve and protect these communities.” But the equipment can only achieve this goal if the policies governing the use of body cameras and disclosure of the footage don’t get in the way.

Critics say the LAPD’s body camera policy is problematic because it allows the department to withhold its footage from the public, it requires officers to review footage before they write police reports, it doesn’t lay out clear punishment for officers who fail to turn on their cameras during critical incidents, and it doesn’t provide clear privacy protections to limit public surveillance.

This is a troubling list of complaints. But at their core is an essential problem: Giving police the power to block the release of body camera footage deprives the public of an opportunity to better formulate an opinion about police tactics and to push back with facts, should community members find an officer’s actions to be inappropriate. In many places, bad body camera policy is threatening to undercut public demands for accountability and transparency before programs even get off the ground.

Here are a few scenarios to look out for:

<span class='image-component__caption' itemprop="caption">LAPD officers at a training session to learn how their department will use body cameras on Aug. 31, 2015.</span>AL SEIB VIA GETTY IMAGESLAPD officers at a training session to learn how their department will use body cameras on Aug. 31, 2015.

Your community might not get to decide whether it wants police to use body cameras in the first place.

Before civilians weigh in on how body camera programs should work, they need to decide if they want police to have the devices at all.

People are already being left out of this most basic decision-making process, says Nadia Kayyali, an activist for the Electronic Frontier Foundation, a nonprofit that focuses on digital rights and technology.

“Where body cams are being adopted, it’s really important that community members — particularly those who come from the communities that are most affected by police accountability issues — need to be involved in that decision. They need to have a discussion,” Kayyali said. “And what we’re already seeing is that instead, law enforcement agencies are applying for this money without that discussion.”

Last month, the Justice Department announced grants to help 73 local and tribal agencies in 32 states expand their body camera programs. Many other cities and towns had already started to do so, though a number of major metropolitan police forces have been slower to move, often due to disputes over the costs of equipment and data storage, as well as resistancefrom police officers themselves.

But while many departments have either begun equipping officers with body cameras or have outlined plans to begin the process, most of them have not yet released official guidelines on how the cameras will be used. Some departments are in the process of drafting policy for the use of body cameras. Others are waiting for pilot programs to conclude before moving forward.

Activists and police officials regularly tout the acquisition of body cameras as a key step toward reform, but many people are still skeptical, believing the devices could fail to prompt meaningful change and even make certain issues worse.

“There is concern that body cameras can be misused, are going to provide more ammunition in court for prosecution, rather than accountability for law enforcement themselves,” said Kayyali. “There is concern that they are really creating pervasive surveillance.”

<span class='image-component__caption' itemprop="caption">An LAPD officer wears a body camera during a demonstration for media in Los Angeles.</span>AP PHOTO/DAMIAN DOVARGANESAn LAPD officer wears a body camera during a demonstration for media in Los Angeles.

Your community might not be included in the policy-making process.

Even if residents agree that police should be equipped with body cameras, they most likely won’t get final say over the policies that will ultimately determine how effective the programs can be.

A coalition of more than 30 groups, including the American Civil Liberties Union and the EFF,signed a letter in May that outlined a set of body camera principles for departments to consider. First among them: “Develop camera policies in public with the input of civil rights advocates and the local community.”

Many departments have taken this advice to heart, at least in theory, by holding listening sessions and seeking public input about body cameras. But just because they’re asking people to submit recommendations doesn’t mean they’re actually including them in the resulting policies.

Cities like Los Angeles have already come under fire for not allowing sufficient public input before drafting policies, and for putting forth proposals that critics say have failed to incorporate civilian priorities. In September, the ACLU suggested that the Justice Department should deny federal grant money to Los Angeles due to deficiencies in its body camera policy. But the LAPD ended up receiving a $1 million grant, putting it among the top funding recipients.

Police could make it difficult or impossible for the public to access critical body camera footage.

This is the biggest concern for civil rights groups and the public, who have pushed for the adoption of body cameras largely in the belief that they can make police more transparent and accountable.

But in some places, law enforcement is already severely restricting the footage it will release publicly. In Los Angeles, for example, body camera footage is explicitly exempted from public records laws. The chief of police can decide to release video as he or she sees fit.

The District of Columbia is currently considering a proposal not to publicly release body camera footage if there are pending criminal charges against a suspect or an officer. In matters of great public interest, however, the mayor would have the authority to decide whether or not to unseal related video. This policy was suggested after Mayor Muriel Bowser attempted earlier this year to make all body camera footage exempt from public records requests.

In Las Vegas, which has taken a more open stance on body camera footage, police will be allowed to withhold video pertaining to ongoing criminal investigations or internal investigations. While this may make sense in some cases, many of the most controversial incidents — shootings, in-custody deaths, use of force complaints — typically result in these types of probes, meaning police could use this provision to suppress the majority of consequential footage until after the investigation has been completed.

Together, such measures have the effect of preserving the existing system, in which the public must simply trust that law enforcement will properly resolve any issues without external oversight.

That’s not helpful.

“If you’re using body cameras for accountability, you can’t then depend on police discretion for the footage to be used for that purpose,” said Kayyali.

<span class='image-component__caption' itemprop="caption">Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti shakes hands with LAPD officers who are wearing the department's new body cameras on Sept. 4, 2015.</span>AL SEIB VIA GETTY IMAGESLos Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti shakes hands with LAPD officers who are wearing the department’s new body cameras on Sept. 4, 2015.

Police may end up using the footage only for their own benefit.

Another emerging point of contention is whether officers will be allowed to view recorded footage before filing their reports or making statements about an incident.

Law enforcement officials in a number of cities, including San Francisco, San Diego andDenver, have said their officers should be able to do so. A Justice Department report on body cameras released in 2014 supports this practice, claiming it will help ensure accuracy, though as The Washington Post recently reported, the director of the group that authored the report has since changed his mind.

In Los Angeles, any officer accused of excessive use of force or grave misconduct will be required to review relevant body camera footage before giving any statement to investigators. Civil rights groups like the ACLU, however, see this as a move that will taint the investigative process before it begins and protect officers from potential repercussions for misconduct.

“It will allow officers to lie and tailor their stories to the video,” said Jay Stanley, a senior policy analyst for the ACLU’s speech, privacy and technology program. “But even for most officers who don’t lie, video is not an objective record, and even memory is not an objective record. The officer might see things or experience things the video doesn’t capture, depending on lighting, camera angle, when the video was turned on or turned off.”

Beyond that, there’s the more basic matter of preferential treatment. A civilian under police investigation would not get to review an officer’s body camera footage before being questioned. Some argue that police deserve certain privileges in the legal process, but Stanley says that if the goal is equal justice under the law — even for the law — this shouldn’t be one of the benefits.

“An investigation is supposed to be a search for truth. The families of a person who’s been shot or beat up, they deserve the truth,” he said. “This is not a policy that will yield truth most accurately.”

Officers may not face significant punishment for failing to enable cameras or for disabling them.

While police are pushing for a variety of measures that may end up making body cameras less helpful to the public, the equipment is completely useless if it’s not being used properly in the first place.

To make sure that officers can’t simply snuff out evidence of misconduct by switching cameras off or by tampering with footage after it’s recorded, the coalition of civil rights organizations recommends that departments outline clear policies about when and where officers must turn body cameras on, and enforce strict disciplinary protocols for any violations.

Many departments have established specific guidelines to determine which kinds of interactions with civilians should be recorded, but the punishment for failing to follow policy may not fit most people’s definition of “strict.”

In Los Angeles, the city’s body camera policy doesn’t lay out specific sanctions for an officer who fails to activate the device, though it does say that any tampering with the footage will be “considered serious misconduct and subject to disciplinary action.”

In other cities, the disciplinary response is less vague. In Denver, the first failure to adhere to body camera recording requirements in a 12-month period will result in a written reprimand. A second violation in the same period means will result in the officer being fined a day’s pay and subjected to an in-depth audit of his or her body camera use. A third violation will trigger a formal disciplinary case, while “purposeful, flagrant or repeated violations will result in more severe disciplinary action.”

It’s not clear what level of discipline is necessary to ensure that officers are compliant with body camera programs, but there’s reason to believe they’ll need some pressure. Over the years, we’ve seen a number of controversial incidents in which dashboard or surveillance cameras supposedly “malfunctioned” at critical moments. Important footage has also simply gone “missing,” making it impossible to prove allegations of misconduct.

And in the past year, there have been at least a few instances of officers not activating body cameras before fatal encounters.

Pilot programs have provided some insight into how this problem could play out when more officers are equipped with body cameras. In Denver, an independent monitor’s review found that over six months, many officers failed to record incidents in which they used force. At the time of the report in March, police officials disputed the findings and refused to clarify if those failures were a result of policy violations or faulty equipment.

<span class='image-component__caption' itemprop="caption">Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti, left, with LAPD Chief Charlie Beck, right, who is wearing a body camera, shows off the new LAPD body camera on Sept. 4, 2015.</span>AL SEIB/LOS ANGELES TIMES VIA GETTY IMAGESLos Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti, left, with LAPD Chief Charlie Beck, right, who is wearing a body camera, shows off the new LAPD body camera on Sept. 4, 2015.

Sensitive body camera footage could end up coming back to bite you.

Another essential aspect of the debate over body cameras centers around privacy. As body cameras become commonplace, police will increasingly be recording in private settings and sensitive situations that involve victims, witnesses and bystanders. Only some of this footage will be of value to the public interest. Good body camera policy should honor the need for transparency while minimizing the potential for privacy violations or putting recorded subjects at risk.

Many cities have drafted policies requiring officers to notify individuals when they are being recorded in their homes or elsewhere. Others clearly lay out instances in which officers may switch off their cameras at the request of a victim or witness.

In Seattle, where police are releasing a much higher volume of video to the public, the city’s police department has decided to withhold footage recorded in private. Other video appears online in heavily redacted form, but gives people the option of filing a formal request to view an unedited version.

These are positive steps, but they don’t eliminate the possibility of abuse. A letter from the ACLU criticizing the LAPD’s body camera policy suggests departments must set down clear guidelines to prohibit footage from being used for any political or personal purposes.

“Finally, while the policy bars unauthorized release of video by officers, its failure to set any rules for release through authorized channels threatens privacy by potentially allowing release of sensitive or embarrassing footage where there is no clear public interest in disclosure,” writes the ACLU.

Officers may use body camera footage for more general surveillance.

Civil rights groups are also concerned about the risks of encouraging police to equip every police officer with a device capable of constant recording.

“We’re very concerned that this technology will expand to include things like facial recognition,” said Stanley. “[The use of body cameras] should be something that helps an investigation and helps establish trust between community and police officers. This should not become yet another surveillance tool.”

Police departments are having enough trouble figuring out how to use body cameras in their current, relatively primitive form, so perhaps this isn’t an immediate concern. But as the devices become more widely used, it seems likely that their capabilities will expand in ways that would further benefit law enforcement. After all, they’re the ones buying the products — even if it is with taxpayer dollars.

“We don’t want the kind of scenario where facial recognition is run against all video with the identity of everybody who’s spotted anywhere at any time logged and stored in some government database — or for this to be turned into the facial equivalent of license plate scanners, where everyone’s face is scanned,” Stanley said.

Body cameras may work better or worse depending on which state you live in.

Keeping an eye on what your local police department is doing about body cameras is important, but it might not be enough. Around the nation, states are reforming public access laws in ways that will ultimately make it harder for body cameras to further the goals of police accountability and transparency. According to the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press, 10 states have already passed laws this year that will limit access to these videos, while a number of others proposed unsuccessful legislation.

South Carolina and Texas, for example, passed laws that put a lid on public access to most, if not all, body camera footage. In South Carolina, those videos are now completely exempt from the state’s public records law. In Texas, any video that pertains to a case that is under criminal or administrative investigation will only be released to the public after the probe has been concluded. Police officials in those states can release footage as they see fit.

As more and more states take the body camera push into their own hands, the growing use of this equipment could end up being accompanied by sweeping laws that actually make it less effective.

Civil rights advocates like Stanley say people are right to be concerned about many of the emerging trends in body camera policy. But it’s still very early in the process, and if body cameras are indeed here to stay, he says there’s reason to be optimistic that the rules governing their use will evolve in the right direction.

“Inevitably, we’ll see a range of policies — some good, some bad — but our hope is that over time, things will coalesce into a national standard of best practices around this technology,” he said. “And police departments or states that aren’t complying with it will come to be seen as unprofessional outliers.”

By Nick Wing for huffingtonpost.com

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Police Accountability App Evolves to Next Generation Emergency Response Platform https://truthvoice.com/2015/09/police-accountability-app-evolves-to-next-generation-emergency-response-platform/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=police-accountability-app-evolves-to-next-generation-emergency-response-platform Tue, 15 Sep 2015 09:19:23 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/09/police-accountability-app-evolves-to-next-generation-emergency-response-platform/

Cell 411 Screenshot

COLUMBUS, OH – Less than three months after the announcement of Cell 411, the version 2 of the app was just released with major improvements aimed at creating a broader, de-centralized means for world-wide users to manage and respond to all kinds of emergencies, using small trust-based networks of friends and family members. When alerted for help, the responders will receive turn by turn directions to the location where one needs help, an estimated time of arrival and distance to their location.

While the app was born out of activists’ need to maintain police accountability, track events with GPS accuracy and send out real-time alerts, the Cell 411 platform now includes other default alerts aimed at helping school kids when they are being bullied, and a “general alert” which can be customized to alert the trusted network of any particular emergency or event taking place.

In the past, various mobile applications have attempted to bridge the gap between citizens and the State when dealing with various emergency situations, but Cell 411 has now gone above and beyond any previous generation app, especially with the new Patrol Mode, a feature the developers hope to be widely adopted by activists, neighborhood watches and other groups of citizens who wish to participate in improving their communities without help from police or government employees.

“Patrol Mode allows every citizen to become a ‘private helper’ of sorts. Think ‘Uber’ for emergencies or other urgent needs,” says the creator of the Cell Platform, Virgil Vaduva. “It’s a revolutionary approach to calling out for help and reaching out to help those people when they call on you. In my mind, this is all about our society peacefully evolving to a place where the State’s monopoly on violence is no longer needed and government employees such as police and others will have competition from concerned and voluntary members of the community,” he said.

When enabled in the app, Patrol Mode allows users to respond to global alerts sent by others within a specific radius, up to 50 miles. This feature could be particularly useful in case of large civil unrests, car problems, or other situations where someone could be far from home without ability to call on immediate friends for help.

If those new features were not enough, in Version 2, the creators introduced the most striking feature, the Live Video alerting. When triggered, a live video feed will be streamed and recorded to the user’s trusted network, giving them the ability to maintain visual awareness and knowledge of the situation. Furthermore, the recorded video may not be erased by police, thieves, criminals or other malicious users if they steal or confiscate the smart phone, making the destruction of evidence impossible.

“We have volunteer firefighters using this tool as their dispatch tool, and neighborhood watch groups using it to provide self-security services to their communities. Your imagination is really the only limit to how you can use the app to improve your safety and security,” said Vaduva.

The app can currently be purchased for $0.99 in both the Google Play Store and the Apple App Store.

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Philly PD Reinstates Six Cops Accused Of Corruption While Misconduct Investigation Still Ongoing https://truthvoice.com/2015/07/philly-pd-reinstates-six-cops-accused-of-corruption-while-misconduct-investigation-still-ongoing/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=philly-pd-reinstates-six-cops-accused-of-corruption-while-misconduct-investigation-still-ongoing Sun, 12 Jul 2015 09:03:50 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/07/philly-pd-reinstates-six-cops-accused-of-corruption-while-misconduct-investigation-still-ongoing/
philly-cops-reinstated

From top left to right, Philadelphia Police officers Thomas Liciardello, Perry Betts, Linwood Norman; from bottom left to right, officers Brian Reynolds, John Speiser and Michael Spicer

PHILADELPHIA — A report from The Philadelphia Inquirer claims six police officers who were acquitted after being accused of corruption have now been reinstated to the police force.

According to the report:


Mark McDonald, the mayor’s press secretary, said the former narcotics officers – Michael Spicer, Thomas Liciardello, Brian Reynolds, Perry Betts, Linwood Norman, and John Speiser – will get $90,000 in back pay and have their original badges returned.

McDonald said five of the officers would be assigned to districts and would not return to the Narcotics Field Unit. Norman will be assigned to the impound lot.

James J. Binns, who represented Spicer in the federal case, initially said his client and another officer, who was not charged, would receive promotions under the arbitrator’s ruling. Binns said later Friday that he was wrong and that promotions were not part of the arrangement.

When Police Commissioner Charles H. Ramsey fired the six officers, he called the case “one of the worst cases of corruption I have ever heard.” He told reporters that the officers’ badges would be destroyed.


Spicer’s trial in particular sparked public outrage, as Spicer was accused repeatedly over the years of intimidation and misconduct. In 2008, Spicer was suspected of stealing drug money and planting evidence, and in 2010, Spicer was accused of throwing a suspect from the third story of an apartment building. He was acquitted of all charges.

The report goes on to explain some of the far-reaching consequences of the accusations the officers faced:

Prosecutors alleged the men routinely beat and robbed drug suspects. The allegations prompted dozens of civil rights lawsuits, causing the reversal of nearly 450 drug convictions.

Philadelphia’s decision to reinstate the officers comes amid more accusations and an internal investigation into police misconduct and use of excessive force. TruthVoice reported Friday about an internal investigation prompted by a video of an April incident that shows nearly two dozen police officers repeatedly hitting and applying electric shocks to Tyree Carroll, who was restrained and unarmed. The report and video have since garnered national attention. (Video available below:)

In addition to the legal troubles it has faced recently, the Philadelphia Police Department has been widely criticized throughout the year following findings that its officers have shot someone roughly once a week for the past eight years. Over 390 people were shot, many of whom were reportedly unarmed.

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Why Police Don’t Pull Guns in Many Countries https://truthvoice.com/2015/07/why-police-dont-pull-guns-in-many-countries/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=why-police-dont-pull-guns-in-many-countries Sat, 04 Jul 2015 11:32:41 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/07/why-police-dont-pull-guns-in-many-countries/

917391_1_0626-world-cpolice_standard

The officer, alert but cautious, pounds on the suspect’s door. “Polizei!” he says forcefully, in his native German. A man thrusts open the door and walks out. His hands are at his side, but the policeman notices a gun tucked into the man’s belt. He pulls out his own firearm in response. He then moves briskly backward, coaxing the man to place his weapon on the ground.

The cop is commended for his actions.

The next officer up bangs on the same door. “Polizei!,” he says. This time the person walks out carrying a baton, not a gun. So the cop doesn’t pull out his pistol. He brandishes instead a can of pepper spray – a reflex response that also garners praise afterward.

The scene here in what looks like an outdoor movie set seems as if it would be basic enough training at almost any police academy in the world. But today’s course for the new recruits in the Ruhr Valley in western Germany represents just one small part of an educational process that will last for three years, during which the officers will be drilled in alternatives to pulling a trigger. Today’s shooting training is subtitled, tellingly, “Don’t shoot.” And it’s far from the only lesson they’ll receive in restraint. Each recruit earns a bachelor’s degree as part of basic police training – a requisite before getting a badge and a beat.

Those in charge of this vast complex in Selm, in the German state of North Rhine-Westphalia, say the rigorous education standards help to widen an officer’s vision when stress narrows it – when he or she has only seconds to consider how to confront a menacing suspect.

“In every head of every policeman there is the aim not to shoot,” says Col. Uwe Thieme, the four-star senior police director at the state’s office for education, training, and human resources. “We try to make all police officers recognize that you are not a good guy if you are shooting. You are a good guy if you are not shooting.”

Their message is sinking in. In a nation grappling with neo-Nazism, new displays of intolerance against immigrants, and the threat of Islamic terrorism, German police rarely pull their guns. So far this year researchers have tallied four fatal shots fired by police. In the United States, there have been more than 400.

Nor is Germany alone. Around the world, police shootings are a rarity in many industrialized nations – even some with serious crime problems. For instance:

  • Canada recorded an average of 12 fatal police shootings a year between 1999 and 2009.
  • British police fired their weapons on just 51 occasions between 2003 and 2013.
  • In Japan, the last time a suspect was shot by a police officer was in 2012.

Now, as a handful of highly publicized police shootings fray already taut relations between police and black communities in the US, experts and law enforcement authorities are searching for ways to solve a pressing social problem – and wondering whether other nations might hold lessons in how to do it.

The US, to be sure, is a different country. Some argue that the ubiquity of guns in America is a major reason that many seemingly innocuous incidents escalate into fatal shootings. At the same time, racial tensions in the US are more pronounced than in many other countries. Yet analysts believe that other nations have adopted a number of practices that contribute to less-contentious relations between police and residents – and might make a difference on US streets. These range from more-rigorous police training, to changing the way officers interact with residents, to requiring more education for cops.

“In Germany, a gun is not sexy; it is not part of [a police officer’s] masculinity…,” says Joachim Kersten, a professor at the German Police University in Muenster, noting that knowledge is the key to defusing tense situations. “If [police] have to be dominant in a situation, they don’t need a gun for that.”

•     •     •

To this day, one of the most curious spectacles in all of policing is the sight of a British bobby, sans weapon.

In the 1990s, as American cities were adopting the “broken windows” theory of crime-fighting – the idea that clamping down on minor infractions will help stamp out major ones – Britain began debating more-aggressive methods of policing, too. Yet, with few exceptions, a “zero tolerance” approach didn’t prove popular with British police, who viewed it as heavy-handed and indiscriminate. In fact, police in London were taught from the beginning to be anything but aggressive.

The bobbies – the name given to the Metropolitan Police – were created in 1829 by Home Secretary Robert Peel at a time when the military was feared. The police force, at its core, was, and still is, seen to serve the community and fight crime by consent, rather than to serve the state. That’s why bobbies were given a smart blue uniform, not red, the color of the militia’s. Even today, they can be seen in Prussian helmets carrying, notably, batons not guns.

The threat of terrorism, not to mention the number of guns flourishing on the black market, has sparked a recurring national debate about whether Britain’s police should begin to carry firearms. But the police themselves have been the first to oppose such a move, even in the heat of the London bombings in 2005. A survey by the Police Federation in 2006, the latest available, found that 82 percent of its 47,238 members did not want officers to be routinely armed on duty, despite almost half saying their lives had been “in serious jeopardy” during the previous three years.

“Having police officers patrolling neighborhoods and being routinely armed could be seen as a more military type of police service, which is unlikely to be supported by either the police or the public,” says Steve White, a former firearms officer and chair of the Police Federation, which represents rank-and-file officers.

Nevertheless, the image of the cheerful bobby in Britain has taken a hit in recent years – as the force has been accused of discrimination and acting with impunity. Police killings in Britain are extremely rare, but when they happen, they’ve sparked riots on the scale of what America has seen in Ferguson, Mo., and in Baltimore. The slaying of gang member Mark Duggan in 2011 led to protests in North London that spread across the country.

But such incidents only tend to reinforce the belief among many British residents that guns are not the solution. “Violence breeds violence,” says Patsy McKie, a mother of three whose youngest son, Dorrie, was killed in August 1999 during a spate of shootings in Manchester, and “criminals and drug dealers would want to defend themselves if they thought policemen were always carrying guns.”

So Britain has worked out a solution that is largely viewed as the right balance between keeping policing community-oriented and keeping the nation safe, says Peter Squires, professor of criminology and public policy at the University of Brighton. While most “bobbies on the beat” do not carry guns, armed police are never far away. Armed response teams and vehicles often patrol or are on standby. It’s the classic “British compromise,” he says.

•     •     •

Yet even where guns are routinely carried, use of them is far rarer in Europe and some other English-speaking countries than in the US. Many experts link that partly to education and pay, which have turned policing into a well-respected career with prestige and perks. In the US, police training lasts on average 19 weeks. In much of Europe that would be unthinkable, says Mr. Kersten. German police, for example, train for at least 130 weeks.

In fact, since 2008 in North Rhine-Westphalia, becoming a police officer means a stint at a university, sitting in law classes, learning about the cultural customs of Muslims, and debating ethics.

Outside the classroom, during training activities such as target practice, recruits are surrounded by messages urging prudence. “Super shooting, I hope you never need it in real life,” reads one poster at the facility in Selm. Another lists the number of times police fired their guns each year up to 2010. In that year, there were 9,450 shootings. Of those, 9,342 involved animals.

The lengthy training regimen in Germany doesn’t seem to discourage people from wanting to become cops, either. Some 8,000 candidates competed to join North Rhine-Westphalia’s 40,000-strong force. Only 1,640 spots were available.

North Rhine-Westphalia’s emphasis on higher education was identified as a “best practice” that could be applied to police departments in the US by the RAND Corp., a think tank, and the Bureau of Justice Assistance, an arm of the US Department of Justice, in 2012. “It’s in everyone’s interest for police out there to have bachelor’s degrees,” says Rob Davis, the chief social scientist at the Police Foundation in Washington, who co-wrote the report.

•     •     •

Money is another factor that many experts believe could help improve the quality and professionalism of police forces. In few places is that strategy more apparent than in Canada, where police command some of the best law enforcement salaries in the world. Pay there often tops six figures a year.

Figures from Statistics Canada, a government agency, show that police officers are paid on average more than many well-respected white-collar professionals, including elementary school teachers, registered nurses, and social workers – all of whom must have college degrees, unlike police. A government list of public employees earning more than $100,000 in Ontario, Canada’s most populous province, revealed that more than half of the Toronto Police Service earns six figures when counting overtime pay.

That has drawn men like Sgt. Peter Leon to its ranks. He joined the Toronto police force 27 years ago, the summer after graduating from a university with a degree in history and political science. He says police officers view their work as a career rather than a job, with good benefits and opportunities to advance. “Everybody comes on as a frontline uniform patrol officer, and there’s opportunities to specialize in different things,” he says.

The force here, like elsewhere, is not without its controversies. Some high-profile accusations of abuse in Canada in recent years have sparked calls for increased accountability and led the Toronto Police Service to launch a pilot program in May that entails 100 officers wearing body cameras, just like many of their US counterparts.

But higher salaries might be just as effective in curbing police misconduct as a video lens. Money can attract recruits with “soft skills” and postsecondary education, says Irwin Cohen, Royal Canadian Mounted Police research chair at the School of Criminology and Criminal Justice at the University of the Fraser Valley in British Columbia. Departments want officers with these qualities because they are better able to deal with confrontation and the public.

“Now police are recruiting people with great communication skills and empathy skills and [who] have a good understanding of psychology and sociology because we’re realizing more and more that that’s the more effective kind of police officer,” he says. “Your most important tools as a police officer are usually not the ones that are on your belt anymore, but that are in your brain.”

•     •     •

One of the main recommendations to come out of a commission appointed by the Obama administration in the wake of the latest law enforcement crisis is a revival of “community policing.” In many ways, Japan has been perfecting this concept since 1874. Proof of this sits off a main street in Sakura, on the outskirts of Tokyo.

There the koban, a mini police station, is located near the railway station, a bank, a bakery, and a bento shop. It is nothing special. It’s even a bit drab. But like the 6,000 other kobans across Japan, its doors are transparent, so visitors can peer in and police peer out.

Locals in Sakura say they are accustomed to seeing one or two officers constantly manning it. And even in an age of GPS and Google Maps, visitors often come in asking for directions, helping to build “relations of trust between police and a community,” says Akihiro Onagi, a professor of criminal law at Hokkaido University. Police officers and members of neighborhood associations “are acquainted with each other,” Mr. Onagi says. It’s a main reason, he says, Japan’s cops hardly ever fire their guns. In fact, they did so on only six occasions last year – none deadly.

Japanese police officers won’t even reach for their guns if they get hurt, says Hidehiko Sato, a former commissioner general of the National Police Agency. When they do, it is only because “they have absolutely no other means.”

It doesn’t hurt that Japanese police rarely find themselves in threatening situations to begin with. They are working in one of the least violent societies in the world, not to mention one of the most homogeneous. Japan has the globe’s second lowest homicide rate after Singapore, according to United Nations figures, with 370 homicides in 2013, compared with 16,121 in the US.

Community-police relations are also more peaceful because, in Japanese society, citizens defer to the authority of law enforcement officers. “Many Japanese people tend to believe what authorities say,” notes Koji Harada, a former police chief at the Kushiro branch of the Hokkaido Prefectural Police. “I strongly believe that is a legacy of the centralized feudalism in the Edo Period [1603 to 1868].”

But a society still fixated on hierarchies also helps keep police power in check. A police officer involved in an unjustified shooting would be automatically demoted, Onagi says. The officer and even the person’s bosses “would feel an invisible pressure and be often relegated to a lower position,” he adds.

•     •     •

Still, policing by nature is always going to involve some tension between cops and residents. In many Latin American countries, such as Brazil, where standards are often low and the consequences for misconduct nonexistent, police kill far more suspects than their American counterparts. Even in countries with relatively few shootings, authorities face challenges.

In France, for instance, many Muslims harbor little trust in the police. This is particularly true among the poorer immigrants living in the banlieues, or outer suburbs, of major cities.

On a recent evening, as thick rain clouds menaced the sky, a group of protesters gathered in a Parisian banlieue to protest a judge’s acquittal of the police in an infamous case from 2005: Several teenagers fleeing police ran into a utility substation and two of them were electrocuted. Their families wanted the police to be held responsible for their deaths. “There is no accountability,” argues Moroccan-born Farid El Yamni, an engineer, who says that his brother was killed in 2012 by French police.

Studies show the French trust their police less than people in some other European countries, including Britain and Germany, trust their own police forces. “The French police are not predominantly preoccupied with their relationship to the people but their relationship to the state,” says René Lévy, the director of research at the National Center for Scientific Research, who wrote the book “History of the French Police.”

As a rush of asylum seekers and economic migrants arrive in Europe, fleeing war and poverty in their own countries, many believe the police-citizen strains will only increase. In Germany, a recent case of police abuse against migrants in Hanover generated national scrutiny.

Yet even the German police’s toughest critics say this case is an exception. Alexander Bosch, who heads the policing and human rights section for Amnesty International in Berlin and trains police throughout Germany, says that, even though racial profiling is a common problem, the “German police are quite good.” They regularly rank in surveys as the nation’s most trusted institution.

In a gritty section of Dortmund, a major city in North Rhine-Westphalia, Abir Hichem, who is Moroccan, walks down a street lined with teahouses and Internet cafes. As a minority, he says he trusts the police. If he had a problem, he’d turn to them.

Lawyer Norbert Zohn is complimentary of cops, too. In fact, he says something that would surely be envied in many American cities. “The presence of police officers does lead to calm,” he says. “It makes you feel safer.”

Contributing to this report were Ian Evans in London, Valentina Jovanovski in Toronto, and Takehiko Kambayashi in Sakura, Japan.

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Five Reasons Why Police Body-Cams Are a Terrible Idea https://truthvoice.com/2015/06/five-reasons-why-police-body-cams-are-a-terrible-idea/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=five-reasons-why-police-body-cams-are-a-terrible-idea Tue, 16 Jun 2015 08:52:57 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/06/five-reasons-why-police-body-cams-are-a-terrible-idea/

by Virgil Vaduva

Police accountability advocates often discuss the importance of body cameras being used and worn by police officers. The argument would be that body cam use will lower violence and keep cops accountable, but there is not enough evidence to suggest that body cameras worn by police will do much to help the general public.

Here are five reasons why I believe the mass implementation and usage of body cameras for police are a terrible idea.

1. Facial recognition and expanded surveillance

There is a rich irony present in the statements of police-accountability folks advocating for the use of body cams by police officers. Why? Because they are the same people opposing the expansion of CCTV cameras throughout America’s cities. I am unsure how body cams are not in essence anything more than mobile spy-cams. While a permanently mounted surveillance camera cannot be moved or relocated easily, a body cam worn by a cop at all times is clearly nothing short of a glorified and even better version of a surveillance camera.

Duluth, Minn., police officer Dan Merseth demonstrates the docking procedure for police body cameras at police headquarters. Duluth initially received 84 cameras and charging bays for less than $5,000 from camera maker Taser International, but its three-year contract and licensing agreement for data storage cost about $78,000.

Duluth, Minn., police officer Dan Merseth demonstrates the docking procedure for police body cameras at police headquarters. Duluth initially received 84 cameras and charging bays for less than $5,000 from camera maker Taser International, but its three-year contract and licensing agreement for data storage cost about $78,000.

While the body cam technology is still largely in its infancy, it is expanding very fast with high-end cameras having many advanced capabilities such as GPS tagging of footage, fast dock recharging and automatic download and storage of footage on a central police-owned server.

These capabilities can be easily expanded to be integrated into NSA’s PRISM program or another FBI program where all footage collected by any cop in America throughout his or her shift could be automatically scanned and tagged by facial recognition software.

Some body cams will also soon have high-bandwidth real-time video streaming capabilities. Such capabilities would allow central governments to easily track activists and persons of interests in real time!

This would be a huge step back in maintaining the civil liberties of activists and Americans involved in street protests. Cops would have the ability to immediately recognize and pull up files on unknown individuals encountered on the street, individuals whom they may have never met before.

2. Real-time tracking of individuals

Pairing the capabilities outlined above with the ability to tag video with GPS coordinates, police will easily be able to locate and track in real time to actual location of individuals of interest, especially during street protests or activities involving opposition to government activities.

Imagine a large anti-tax or anti-police protest taking place in a large metropolitan area where thousands of cops are live streaming video of participants’ faces as they move through the city.  Some protesters may not even live there, yet their privacy is still being violated by government agents simply through the use of advanced surveillance technology and video processing.

The FBI has been sued by the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF) for access to its biometrics database, arguing that the US agency has failed to comply with Freedom of Information Act requests and is gathering face-recognition data, among other things, with no external governance.

The FBI has been sued by the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF) for access to its biometrics database, arguing that the US agency has failed to comply with Freedom of Information Act requests and is gathering face-recognition data, among other things, with no external governance.

Worse yet, as a result of participating in such protests and being easily identified, the participants could possibly be harassed in the future by police or other government agents.  We have seen this happen on a small scale, but body cameras will expand the possibility of abuse.  The attempts to track and identify Americans on a large scale were exposed when the Electronic Frontier Foundation has sued the FBI for the use of tracking and facial recognition records and databases implemented without any congressional oversight.

3. Footage integrity

Another issue of concern with the current generation of body cameras is the difficulty of maintaining the integrity of the footage recorded. Whether the footage is streamed or stored on the device, to my knowledge none of the current devices on the market have the ability to prevent a police officer from turning the device off or erasing and modifying the footage.

These features have not been introduced due to the cost, but also due to the backlash from police unions, who have largely been speaking against the use of body cams as a method to promote accountability.

A well-designed body camera would integrate features that will maintain the integrity and availability of the video by not allowing a cop to turn the camera off and by containing software that automatically provides a cryptographic hash for all the footage recorded.  Detailed access logs to the device should be a requirement, and also alerts should be issued when a user attempts to disable the device, open or modify software on the device.  These features currently do not exist and it is unlikely they will ever be implemented.

Ideally, if body cameras are truly about keeping our public servants accountable, all video from police officers should be available publicly in real time to anyone wishing to watch what a cop is doing during his employment.

4. Exoneration of police actions

Another problem with video footage is that we have observed many times throughout the years that video footage, no matter how damning it is, will often exonerate cops involved in wrong doing.  I have seen footage of cops involved in theft, lying, beatings, rape and even outright murder.  In many of these cases the video was largely ignored by prosecutors (who are often former police officers themselves) or by jurors who believe police can do no wrong.

With the nation-wide cost of body cameras running into hundreds of millions of dollars, the question on everyone’s lips should be, “why should we even bother with them if the footage is largely ignored?”

5. They empower crony corporate camera manufacturers at the expense of taxpayers

One of the largest corporations catering to police departments throughout the world is Taser International.  The company is mostly known for the manufacturing of their electrocution “stun-gun” devices often known as Tasers which have caused hundreds of deaths in America.

In this photo taken Thursday, Feb. 19, 2015, Rick Smith, chief executive officer and founder of Taser International, center, talks with Brant Garrick left, and Kenny Park of the Vallejo Police Department who attended the Taser tech summit at the California Highway Patrol Headquarters in Sacramento, Calif.

In this photo taken Thursday, Feb. 19, 2015, Rick Smith, chief executive officer and founder of Taser International, center, talks with Brant Garrick left, and Kenny Park of the Vallejo Police Department who attended the Taser tech summit at the California Highway Patrol Headquarters in Sacramento, Calif.

The company has now seen the dollar signs in the body cam market and is pulling all the strings it can to further extort money from the American taxpayers. With revenues of almost $200 million per year, the company is growing very fast due to crony and in some cases, criminal agreements with local police departments, union leaders and police chiefs.

Taser International has quickly become the world’s largest manufacturer and supplier of body cams for police departments. But they have not become leaders in the market through fair competition. Instead the company has carefully cultivated financial relationships and ties with police chiefs throughout the country.

An expose published by CBS news in March 2015 covered questionable practices involving Taser International, including hiring retired police chiefs as consultants and sending them on luxury trips overseas to promote and sell company products.

CBS wrote, “As the police chief in Fort Worth, Texas, successfully pushed for the signing of a major contract with Taser before a company quarterly sales deadline, he wrote a Taser representative in an email, “Someone should give me a raise.”

The police chief in Albuquerque also pushed for a no-bid contract with Taser International, which caused backlash in the community and prompted and investigation by the inspector general.  The Albuquerque-Taser contract was worth $1.9 million dollars.

Police chiefs from Salt Lake City, Fort Worth, New Orleans and other cities have all been involved in highly questionable and likely unethical or illegal contract negotiations and signing with Taser International. New Orleans agreed to a $1.4 million contract with Taser for 420 cameras and storage. A year after the contract was signed, the New Orleans Police Superintendent Ronal Serpas went to work for Taser as a consultant.

The Fort Worth contract for 400 body cams was worth $2.7 million and Jeffrey Halstead, the police chief openly discussed how he would like to also become a consultant for Taser International.

It is clear that the body camera market is not intended to promote fair competitive market where the best product wins and the customer (the American taxpayer) benefits from the product.  Instead it is a crony arrangement between police chiefs, union members and corporate executives who are colluding to rip-off the American taxpayers while doing very little to promote true police accountability.


Virgil Vaduva is a Libertarian security professional, journalist, photographer and overall liberty freak. He spent most of his life in Communist Romania and participated in the 1989 street protests which led to the collapse of the Ceausescu regime. He can be reached at vvaduva at truthvoice.com.

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Cellphone Video Raises Debate Over Cop-Involved Deaths https://truthvoice.com/2015/05/cellphone-video-raises-debate-over-cop-involved-deaths/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=cellphone-video-raises-debate-over-cop-involved-deaths Tue, 19 May 2015 10:32:20 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/05/cellphone-video-raises-debate-over-cop-involved-deaths/

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From Ferguson, Missouri, to North Charleston, South Carolina, and Madison, officer-involved deaths have gotten national attention recently.While officer-involved deaths are nothing new, how the public and officials view them is.

With the saturation of cellphone photos and video, confrontations involving police officers are increasingly being viewed by the public.

The impact those images have on the public is much greater than written accounts.

“People are visual creatures. You know when they say that a picture is worth a 1,000 words, I think they undersell that expression. A picture is worth 10,000 words. Pictures bring out emotions that the printed word doesn’t,” said Steve Noll, a marketing professor at Madison College.

Cellphone video of deadly confrontations between police and individuals in Staten Island, New York, North Charleston and Baltimore has touched off nationwide protests. The wide-ranging response was driven by social media.

“In the past when an incident like this would happen it would be a local tragedy and only people in a set geographic region would be exposed to a story. Now with things like Facebook and Twitter you don’t have a set geography, you have a set likeness. They call it the hive collective,” Noll said.

Noll said the speed with which images and information can spread on social media is also a double-edged sword. The speed makes it challenging to vet images and information to assure accuracy and context.

In the case of something as emotional as an officer-involved shooting, accuracy and proper context are essential.

“When you think about that, you have a really provocative or emotional picture that can be out and be shown thousands of times in less than a half hour without people understanding what that is,” Noll said. “You have to make sure that they are directing that in the proper way and not trying to explode a story just because they have nothing to do but click and share pictures. That’s the dark side of social media.”

 

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