racism https://truthvoice.com Wed, 22 May 2019 11:37:47 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.0.2 https://i0.wp.com/truthvoice.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/cropped-truthvoice-logo21-1.png?fit=32%2C32&ssl=1 racism https://truthvoice.com 32 32 194740597 The Unconstitutionality and Blatant Racism of North Carolina Gun Laws https://truthvoice.com/2015/11/the-unconstitutionality-and-blatant-racism-of-north-carolina-gun-laws/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=the-unconstitutionality-and-blatant-racism-of-north-carolina-gun-laws Tue, 10 Nov 2015 09:41:24 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/11/the-unconstitutionality-and-blatant-racism-of-north-carolina-gun-laws/

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By: Deric Lostutter

Recently, during my migration from the backwoods of the Kentucky foothills to my home-state of North Carolina, a state in which I have not resided in over 10 years, I was curious to see how their open carry firearms laws compare to Kentucky’s. A few minutes after a google search I discovered that North Carolina at the surface seemed like a progressive state who respected the Constitution and the rights of its American citizens. North Carolina had no restrictions on assault weapons, and it even seemed to read that people with “purchase permits” issued by their respective county sheriff’s department, could purchase a handgun at the age of 18, 3 years sooner than Kentucky.

I called the Forsyth County Sheriff’s department, to find out if I could “open carry”, a practice that I had taken up in Lexington, Kentucky due to all the drug and gang violence, around my reclaimed home-town of Winston-Salem. I was forwarded to the pistol permit division in which a man on the other end told me that I did not have to have a North Carolina driver’s license to open carry, or display the weapon outside of concealment, such as a holster on the hip. Furthermore he described it as “an old west” kind of feel in the state, in which allowed me to “walk down main street with it if I wanted to.”

It sounded good enough, however I was curious to see what laws there were about possession of a firearm in different stores, buildings, and in my vehicle. Upon a brief google search, I discovered various laws in which the willpower of the police state has snatched up our inherent rights to keep and bear arms to fight off oppressive governments, or even groups of thugs. Furthermore I discovered a law in which the local government and police departments, could profit from an otherwise free (at least in Kentucky), background check from the ATF, in order to purchase a pistol. This is the one I will touch on first, because not only does it tax us on our constitutional rights to bear arms, but also provides the ever-growing police state with capital based of a draconian, and racist law known as the “Jim Crow Laws”

Ҥ 14-402. Sale of certain weapons without permit forbidden.

(a) It is unlawful for any person, firm, or corporation in this State to sell, give away, or transfer, or to purchase or receive, at any place within this State from any other place within or without the State any pistol unless: (i) a license or permit is first obtained under this Article by the purchaser or receiver from the sheriff of the county in which the purchaser or receiver resides; or (ii) a valid North Carolina concealed handgun permit is held under Article 54B of this Chapter by the purchaser or receiver who must be a resident of the State at the time of the purchase.

It is unlawful for any person or persons to receive from any postmaster, postal clerk, employee in the parcel post department, rural mail carrier, express agent or employee, railroad agent or employee within the State of North Carolina any pistol without having in his or their possession and without exhibiting at the time of the delivery of the same and to the person delivering the same the permit from the sheriff as provided in G.S. 14-403. Any person violating the provisions of this section is guilty of a Class 2 misdemeanor.”

So, not only is commercial sale of firearms restricted to a third party sheriff’s office’s discretion, this affects the average American citizen from private sales to another individual, unless of course the purchaser first pays his “taxes” to the local “boys in blue.”

This statute in otherwise progressive North Carolina laws, stems from what are known as the “Jim Crow Laws”. Jim Crow Laws are laws which were enacted after the Reconstruction period of the southern United States. Based upon racial segregation, the law remained in effect until 1965, when the former Confederate state allowed African-Americans “separate but equal” status. The Jim Crow laws mandated the segregation of pretty much everything. From schools, to transportation. Eateries and even the United States Military were also once segregated.
The Jim Crow laws followed the 1800-1866 law dubbed the Black Codes, which stripped the civil rights and liberties of African American citizens. After 1954 when Brown v. Board of Education declared school segregation unconstitutional, a change swept the nation which later introduced the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The draconian “pistol permit” process which was designed to restrict the access of handguns to African-Americans, stayed in effect throughout the civil rights movement.
The name Jim Crow is thought to have originated from the caricature of blacks performed by white actor Thomas Rice, who would dress up in “blackface” around the mid 1800’s. A satire, as it was referred to, criticized President Andrew Jackson’s populist policies. As a result of the fame of Rice, “Jim Crow” became slang for “Negro” in southern legislature and in the south all together.

Let’s touch base on how this ties in with gun control. The “Black Codes”, enacted in the 1800’s restricted firearm possession by the “freedmen” or freed slaves of legal standing. The laws made it easier for the first gun control advocates of the United States of America, the Ku Klux Klan, to confiscate the weapons of the freedmen, which in turn made it easier to terrorize and even lynch the African-American citizens.

President Grant would later serve as president of the National Rifle Association, prosecuting Klansmen, and declaring martial law when necessary to quell the violence they caused.

The 14th amendment to the constitution, ratified on July 9, 1868, forbids any state to deny the “equal protection” of laws, which simply put overturns gun control statutes written on racist tones.

What was the South’s response? Enacting “class warfare” by imposing ludicrous laws aiming at disarming the freedmen. Such laws included banning inexpensive firearms, reserving them only for the wealthy, while others imposed what we have today in North Carolina, licensing systems and carry restrictions.

Now you may suggest that I am “reaching” or grasping at straws, but a Supreme Court justice from Florida later denounced the laws stating “these laws were never intended to be applied to the white population” (Watson v. Stone, 1941).

Not only does North Carolina restrict the purchasing of firearms with for-profit permit systems piggy-backed off of racist archaic laws, they also restrict the right to bear arms, as provided to us by the 2nd amendment to the United States Constitution. The “progressive” state bans carrying a firearm at constitutionally protected assemblies, and protests. They also ban carrying at parades, funeral processions, or any other legal demonstration. The laws listed below also prevent people protecting themselves in times of distress, such as the recently highlighted Baltimore Riots, and what would even be carrying on your own property such as a party with a noise violation (disturbance involving three or more people.)

 

You may not carry a weapon at a parade, funeral procession, picket line, or other demonstration, except for guns carried on a rack in a pickup truck. (N.C. Gen. Stat. Ann. § 14-277.2.)

You may not carry a weapon during civil disorder, riot, or other disturbance involving three or more people. (N.C. Gen. Stat. Ann. § 14-288.20.)

 

These laws completely molest, disregard, and pretty much destroy the civil liberties given to us by our founding fathers. They strip us of our rights to protect ourselves based on the greed and agendas of our racist government and its predecessors, to disarm the poor, to disarm the free thinkers, and to disarm the different. We cannot sit idly by any longer, content with our rights being stripped for “security purposes”.

Legislators,

We The People demand you overturn these unjust laws, and for-profit schemes, and respect the constitution you were sworn to uphold.

“He who sacrifices freedom for security deserves neither.” –Benjamin Franklin

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Changing Laws Will Not Stop Racist Cops https://truthvoice.com/2015/10/changing-laws-will-not-stop-racist-cops/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=changing-laws-will-not-stop-racist-cops Sat, 24 Oct 2015 09:24:11 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/10/changing-laws-will-not-stop-racist-cops/

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Our laws can help — but won’t save — victims of police brutality from racism.

The most marginalized groups often suffer unjust experiences with law enforcement. People of color, LGBT people, people who enter the country illegally, sex workers, indigenous people and homeless youth are most often dehumanized by police.

On March 18, Martese Johnson, a student at University of Virginia, showed police his ID outside of a bar near the UVA campus.

Police assumed his ID was fake and slammed Johnson to the ground. He started bleeding and helplessly yelling, “How did this happen? I go to U. Va.!”

Johnson’s story was captured on video and went viral the following days. He was charged with two misdemeanors, which were subsequently dropped.

Jessica Hernandez is a queer Latina who was 17 years old when she was shot dead by Denver police this past January. Officers originally claimed she was driving a stolen car that hit them and were acting in self-defense.

However, Hernandez’s family attorney argues that the two bullets that entered through the side of her chest show that cops shot Hernandez from the

driver’s side of the car.

In June, the Denver Police Department released a letter claiming the 17-year-old’s stolen car did not hit the officers.

Their stories are two of many over the past year involving unjust police use of excessive force. Hundreds of men and women are killed by police each year — but we don’t have data on these numbers.

We only know some of their names: Trayvon Martin, Michael Brown, Sandra Bland, Tanisha Anderson, Eric Garner, Tamir Rice, Rekia Boyd.

In 2014, more black Americans were killed at the hands of police than black Americans who died on 9/11. Yet the response to both of these crises could not be more stark — sending the signal the United States does not feel black lives are worth preserving.

Part of the problem is our laws do not comply with international standards for law

enforcement’s use of excessive force.

According to a 2015 Amnesty International report, the U.S. does not ensure “domestic legislation meets international human rights law and standards on the use of lethal force by law enforcement officers.”

Also, the report found no state limits the use of lethal force only to those situations where there is an imminent threat to life or serious injury to the officer or to others.

Even when police use excessive lethal force, the report found no accountability mechanisms for victims to seek justice in any state in the U.S. This accountability gap leaves many citizens vulnerable and some citizens dead when police abuse their power.

The U.S. failed to protect its citizens from police brutality. We need to change the law to define the use of lethal force and when law enforcement officers can use it. The law can be one tool to help minimize police brutality, but it won’t stop a cop’s racial bias. If we want to end police brutality, we have to end racism.

Racism is a learned behavior, and I can’t imagine people can lose their racist assumptions overnight. In the meantime, we need to change the law to help victims of police brutality and to prevent police when they abuse their power.

Until this happens, black lives will remain more at risk to police’s use of violence.

Michael Beyer is a 21-year-old political science senior from New Orleans. You can reach him on Twitter @michbeyer.

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California Will Start Collecting All Data From Traffic Stops https://truthvoice.com/2015/09/california-will-start-collecting-all-data-from-traffic-stops/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=california-will-start-collecting-all-data-from-traffic-stops Sat, 12 Sep 2015 09:12:54 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/09/california-will-start-collecting-all-data-from-traffic-stops/

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With a growing chorus of voices demanding systemic police reform, California is poised to pass AB 953: The Racial and Identity Profiling Act of 2015, the first-of-its-kind bill to collect basic information on police stops in order to combat racial and identity profiling. The bill, introduced by Assemblymember Shirley Weber (D-San Diego), was approved by the California Senate today and will return to its house of origin for concurrence. Following concurrence, AB 953 will be considered for signature by Governor Brown.

“Recent incidents have forced us to confront some ugly truths about the persistence of racial bias in law enforcement. One of our best defenses is information about who is stopped by police and why. Currently, information on these incidents isn’t provided publicly in a comprehensive way. The goal of AB 953 is to rectify this so we can make policies with the best information possible,” Weber said.

Just last week, nearly 800 people descended upon the capitol to urge Governor Brown to pledge his support for AB 953. Protestors staged three die-ins – each lasting four and a half minutes to represent the four and a half hours Michael Brown’s body lay on the ground after he was killed – and then proceeded to occupy the halls outside of Governor Brown’s office for over two hours. Specifically, participants cited racial profiling as one of the reasons why people of color are being killed by police at racially disproportionate rates.

“For far too long Black, Indigenous, Latino, and immigrant communities have been unfairly profiled, harassed, and killed by law enforcement. We know it starts with a stop, but it can end in tragedy,” said Rev. Ben McBride, Director of Regional Clergy Development for PICO California. “Law enforcement has gone unchecked and the state legislature has failed at protecting those most vulnerable to police misconduct. The passage of AB 953 is just one way state legislators can begin to root out the evil ingrained in the culture of mass criminalization that exists in our state. Black lives matter. People of color matter. We must demand that our elected officials and law enforcement officers do what they are paid to do and that is protect us.”

According to an independent analysis, unarmed Black men are seven times more likely than unarmed white men to die by police gunfire nationwide. California holds the ominous record for the highest number of deaths in the country, with 129 people killed by law enforcement in the state this year. However, the state still does not collect, analyze, or make available basic information about who the police, stop, search or even shoot. The state of Connecticut’s Racial Profiling Prohibition Project has data-collection and advisory board components similar to those proposed under Weber’s bill. However, AB 953 would go one step further to include both traffic and pedestrian stops.

“If signed into law, AB 953 would pave the way for the nation on the issue of fair policing,” said Salimah Hankins, Director of Legislative Advocacy for Dignity and Power Now. “By developing a model system for collecting basic information about police stops, California would be moving away from the anecdotal to the empirical. And we know that as California goes, so goes the nation.”

If approved, AB 953 would:

  • Update California’s definition of racial and identity profiling to be in line with federal recommendations by including other demographic characteristics, such as gender and sexual orientation.
  • Require that California law enforcement agencies uniformly collect and report data on stops, frisks, and other interactions with the communities they serve.
  • Establish an advisory board to analyze stop data and develop recommendations to address problems with disparate policing where they exist.

The Communities United Coalition is comprised of the six AB 953 cosponsor organizations: PICO California, ACLU of California, Youth Justice Coalition, Asian Americans Advancing Justice, Reform California, and Dignity and Power Now, as well as other organizations that also support the bill.

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The Violence is Not New, It’s the Cameras That are New https://truthvoice.com/2015/09/the-violence-is-not-new-its-the-cameras-that-are-new/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=the-violence-is-not-new-its-the-cameras-that-are-new Mon, 07 Sep 2015 11:37:47 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/09/the-violence-is-not-new-its-the-cameras-that-are-new/

Today we spend the hour with Ta-Nehisi Coates, author of an explosive new book about white supremacy and being black in America. Titled “Between the World and Me,” it is written as a letter to his teenage son, Samori. In July, Ta-Nehisi Coates launched the book in his hometown of Baltimore. He spoke at the historic Union Baptist Church. “It seems like there’s a kind of national conversation going on right now about those who are paid to protect us, who sometimes end up inflicting lethal harm upon us,” Coates said. “But for me, this conversation is old, and I’m sure for many of you the conversation is quite old. It’s the cameras that are new. It’s not the violence that’s new.”

 TRANSCRIPT

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

AMY GOODMAN: Today, we spend the hour with Ta-Nehisi Coates, author of an explosive new book about white supremacy and being black in America. It’s calledBetween the World and Me, written as a letter to his teenage son, Samori. Ta-Nehisi Coates is a national correspondent at The Atlantic, where he writes about culture, politics and social issues. He received the George Polk Award for his Atlantic cover story, “The Case for Reparations.” His book, Between the World and Me, is called “required reading” by Toni Morrison. She writes, quote, “I’ve been wondering who might fill the intellectual void that plagued me after James Baldwin died. Clearly it is Ta-Nehisi Coates.”

Well, in July, Ta-Nehisi Coates launched his book in his hometown of Baltimore. He spoke at the historic Union Baptist Church.

TA-NEHISI COATES: This book proceeded from a notion, and there are a couple of main notions that are really at work here. And one of the dominant ideas in the book, Between the World and Me, which is, you know, effectively an extended essay told in a letter form to my son, is the notion of fear, because I think like when people think about African-American communities, there are a lot of things that come to mind, but one of the things that does not come to mind, I think, enough in the mainstream conversation is simply how afraid we are of our bodies, how afraid we are for our children, how afraid we are for our loved ones, on a daily basis. And, you know, I understood this as a very, very young person, as I talk about it in the book. You know, from my earliest memories, I was talking to Dad about this a little while ago, and I think about my first memories, my first memories of going—my first coherent memories of going with my mother and father to see Marshall “Eddie” Conway in prison, and understanding that there are black men—you know, are in prison. That was like my first memory. He had done something, or somebody accused him of something. Something had happened where he did not have the full freedom and control of his body, and that was something that happened to people who look like me, even though I didn’t quite understand how and why that happened.

And then, as you grow up in the community, and you have to go out into the world and navigate—you know, I’ve said this several times in many places—you know, I have my memories of going to middle school here in Baltimore, and I think about how much of my mental space was possessed with keeping my body safe, how much of it dealt with how I was dressed, who I was walking with, what neighborhood I was walking through, once I got to school how I conducted myself in the school, and not so much in such a way that would be obedient to my teachers, but in a way that would keep me safe from the amount of violence. I mean, I was talking in this interview the other day; I was saying that any sort of policy that you think about in this country that has to do with race ultimately comes back, for black folks, to securing our bodies, the physical safety of our body. And so we have these kind of high and abstract debates about, you know, affirmative action. And in the minds of certain people, we think those conversations are literally just about “Is my kid going to get into Harvard or not?” But behind that, for us, as black people, is a conversation of “Is my kid going to be able to have the means to live in a neighborhood where he or she walks outside the house and they’re not looking over their shoulder, and they’re not watching their back, and they’re not—they don’t have to do the sort of things that I have to do, the threat of violence is always there?”

Now, one of the horrifying things—and this is what, you know, I’m going to read about tonight—even for those of us who escape those neighborhoods, even for those of us who make it somewhere and are able to do something and live in better places, the threat never quite leaves us, because once we’re no longer afraid of the neighborhood, it turns out we actually have to have some fear for the very people we pay taxes to protect us. And that’s what we’ve been hearing about for the past year over this country. We’ve been seeing a lot of that. And it seems like there’s a kind of national conversation going on right now about those who are paid to protect us, who sometimes end up inflicting lethal harm upon us. But for me, this conversation is old, and I’m sure for many of you the conversation is quite old. It’s the cameras that are new. It’s not the violence that’s new. We are not in the midst of a new wave of anything. We’re, you know, in a new technological wave, you know? And this is not unprecedented. You know, the sort of violence that folks saw in the 1960s, in Selma, for instance, or on Bloody Sunday, that sort of violence was not, in fact, actually new. That’s what white supremacy, what racism is. It is an act of violence. What was new was the cameras. There was certain technology that was able to take that into the living rooms of America. And we’re going through a similar thing right now, but the violence is not new.

When I think about the first time I really, really became aware of this, beyond theory, it was in the instance of the killing of a good friend of mine—a friend of mine, I should say to clarify our relationship, a friend of mine by the name of Prince Jones, who I went to Howard University with.

As a brief aside, when you write things, they’re forced to become abstract, or when you interview people, they become abstract. And then, whenever you’re forced to talk about them, they immediately become real, and all the emotions that you feel about those people come back. I’m going to try to control myself here.

Prince Jones was a fellow student of mine at Howard University. He was a tall, beautiful young man. He hailed from a prosperous family, a family that had not always been prosperous. His mother, you know, was the child of sharecroppers, had worked her way up through life out of poverty in Louisiana and had risen to become a prominent radiologist.

Prince was in Prince George’s County, Maryland, driving. It was late at night. He had just dropped off his young daughter. He was going to see his fiancée. And he was in a jeep, an SUV. The SUV he was in was being followed, as it turned out, by the police, the Prince George’s County police. And I’m in Baltimore, so you guys know about the reputation of the Prince George’s County police; I don’t need to give any sort of lectures on that. The gentleman who was following him had come to work that night as an undercover police officer and had dressed up as a drug dealer, so he was, you know, literally dressed as a criminal, to appear as a criminal. He was in an unmarked car. He thought Prince Jones was someone else who he was supposed to be doing surveillance on. He tracked Prince Jones from Prince George’s County, Maryland, through Washington, D.C., and into Fairfax, Virginia, where, as far as I’m concerned, he effectively executed him. In the story he tells, because he’s the only witness—and, you know, he’s the only person whose version of events we actually have—the story he tells is that once they got to Fairfax, they got into a dark cul-de-sac, and Prince rammed his car. And he said before Prince rammed his car, he got out of the car, and he pulled a gun on Prince, and he identified himself as a police officer, but he didn’t produce his badge. By his own admission, he didn’t produce his badge. By his testimony, Prince got back in the car, into his truck, and rammed the guy, the police officer’s car, and the police officer shot and killed him.

This happened in 2000. I believe my son was about a month old at that point. You know, you talk about fears for, like, bringing a black child into the world, like it was immediately real. You know, it was just suddenly like so visceral, like right there. And the most terrifying thing for me was when I thought about, like, myself. Like, I couldn’t distance myself from what Prince had done, even in the version of events as given by the officer, whether they’re true or not. Even in, you know, the most sympathetic version of events given by the officer, I could not distance myself from whatever actions Prince Jones had taken in that case. I had to imagine myself followed through three jurisdictions by somebody who did not identify themself as a police officer, who was literally dressed to appear as a criminal. And I had to think about all the fears that I had to have, you know, as I was going through the neighborhood here in Baltimore and all the fears that Prince must have had, going to visit my fiancée and worrying about her, and seeing this dude pull a gun out on me and claim to be a police. Well, I don’t know if you’re a police officer. And once I got into his shoes, it was very, very easy for me to see myself how I could have been killed in much the same way. And this was horrifying. And so, for normal Americans, you know, once they rise up and get out of certain neighborhoods or go certain places, you know, they feel a kind of safety that black people never feel. Fear is one of the dominant emotions of the black experience. Fear. And it does—no amount of money you can earn can ever take you away from that. You can be president of the United States, and you can be afraid for your body. You can be the first lady of the United States, and you can be afraid for your body. You can be afraid for the bodies of your two little girls. It does not go away. There’s no escape from that.

Well, Prince’s story stayed with me for a number of years, and I wrote about it in little places, but I couldn’t get like his mom out of my head. I kept wondering, because I knew this woman had done all this, and I couldn’t get her out of my head, and I wondered, like, how she lived. I wondered how she carried that. And I reached out, and I made contact with her, and I was able to go see her. And so the portion of the book I’m going to read tonight tells the story about our conversation. As I said, Between the World and Meis written as a letter to my son, so all of the yous and all of the sort of, you know, things, it’s me addressing him, who is not here right now. He’s somewhere in the middle of Vermont right now. This story, you know, goes a lot of places. It goes to Howard University, goes to Paris, France. It moves quite a bit. But at this point, we’re at the end, and we’re trying to get some sort of resolution or some sort of conclusion on everything we’ve seen. So I’ll go ahead and read.

“In the years after Prince Jones died, I thought often of those who were left to make their lives in the shadow of his death. I thought of his fiancée and wondered what it meant to see the future upended with no explanation. I wondered what she would tell his daughter, and I wondered how his daughter would imagine her father, when she would miss him, how she would detail the loss. But mostly I wondered about Prince’s mother, and the question I mostly asked myself was always the same: How did she live? I searched for her phone number online. I emailed her. She responded. Then I called and made an appointment to visit. And living she was, just outside of Philadelphia in a small gated community of affluent homes. It was a rainy Tuesday when I arrived. I had taken the train in from New York and then picked up a rental car. I was thinking of Prince a lot in those months before. You, your mother, and I had gone to Homecoming at The Mecca, and so many of my friends were there, and Prince was not.

“Dr. Jones greeted me at the door. She was lovely, polite, brown. She appeared to be somewhere in that range between forty and seventy years, when it is difficult to precisely ascertain a black person’s precise age. She was”—whenever I read that in front of white people, nobody laughs. “She was well composed, given the subject of our conversation, and for most of the visit I struggled to separate how she actually felt from what I felt she must be feeling. What I felt, right then, was that she was smiling through pained eyes, that the reason for my visit spread sadness like a dark quilt over the whole house. I seem to recall music—jazz or gospel—playing in the back, but conflicting with that I also remember a deep quiet overcoming everything. I thought that perhaps she had been crying. I could not tell for sure. She led me into her large living room. There was no one else in the house. It was early January. Her Christmas tree was still standing at the end of the room, and there were stockings bearing the name of her daughter and her lost son, and there was a framed picture of him—Prince Jones—on a display table. She brought me water in a heavy glass. She drank tea. She told me that she was born and raised outside Opelousas, Louisiana, that her ancestors had been enslaved in that very same region, and that as a consequence of that enslavement, a great fear echoed down through the ages. ‘It first became clear when I was four,’ she told me.

My mother and I were going into the city. We got on the Greyhound bus. I was behind my mother. She wasn’t holding my hand at the time and I plopped down in the first seat I found. A few minutes later my mother was looking for me and she took me to the back of the bus and explained why I couldn’t sit there. We were very poor, and most of the black people around us, who I knew were poor also, and the images I had of white America were from going into the city and seeing who was behind the counter in the stores and seeing who my mother worked for. It became clear that there was a distance.

“This chasm makes itself known to us in all kinds of ways. A little girl wanders home, at age seven, after being teased in school and asks her parents, ‘Are we niggers and what does this mean?’ Sometimes it is subtle—the simple observation of who lives where and works what jobs and who does not. Sometimes it is all at once. I have never asked you how you became personally aware of the distance. Was it Michael Brown? I don’t think I want to know. But I know that it has happened to you already, that you have deduced that you are privileged and yet still different from other privileged children, because you are the bearer of a body more fragile than any other in this country. What I want you to know is that it is not your fault, even if it is ultimately your responsibility. It is your responsibility because you are surrounded by the Dreamers. It has nothing to do with how you wear your pants or how you style your hair. The breach is as intentional as policy, as intentional as the forgetting that follows. The breach allows for the efficient sorting of the plundered from the plunderers, the enslaved from the enslavers, sharecroppers from landholders, cannibals from food.

“Dr. Jones was reserved. She was what people once referred to as ‘a lady,’ and in that sense reminded me of my grandmother, who was a single mother in the projects but always spoke as though she had nice things. And when Dr. Jones described her motive for escaping the dearth that marked the sharecropper life of her father and all the others around her, when she remembered herself saying, ’I’m not going to live like this,’ I saw the iron in her eyes, and I remembered the iron in my grandmother’s eyes. You must barely remember her by now—you were six when she died. I remember her, of course, but by the time I knew her, her exploits—how, for instance, she scrubbed white people’s floors during the day and went to school at night—were legend. But I still could feel the power and the rectitude that propelled her out of the projects and into homeownership.

“It was the same power I felt in the presence of Dr. Jones. When she was in second grade, she and another child made a pact that they would both become doctors, and she held up her end of the bargain. But first she integrated the high school in her town. At the beginning she fought the white children who insulted her. At the end they voted her class president. She ran track. It was ‘a great entrée,’ she told me, but it only brought her so far into their world. At football games the other students would cheer the star black running back, and then when a black player on the other team got the ball, they’d yell, ‘Kill that nigger! Kill that nigger!’ They would yell this sitting right next to her, as though she really were not there. She gave Bible recitations as a child and she told me the story of her recruitment into this business. Her mother took her to audition for the junior choir. Afterward the choir director said, ‘Honey, I think you should talk.’ She was laughing lightly now, not uproariously, still in control of her body. I felt that she was warming up. As she talked of the church, I thought of your grandfather, the one you know, and how his first intellectual adventures were found in the recitation of Bible passages. I thought of your mother, who did the same. And I thought of my own distance from an institution that has, so often, been the only support for our people. I often wonder if in that distance I’ve missed something, some notions of cosmic hope, some wisdom beyond my mean physical perception of the world, something beyond the body, that I might have transmitted to you. I wondered this, at that particular moment, because something beyond anything I have ever understood drove Mabel Jones to an exceptional life.

“She went to college on full scholarship. She went to med school at Louisiana State University. She served in the Navy. She took up radiology. She did not then know any other black radiologists. I assumed that this would have been hard on her, but she was insulted by the assumption. She could not acknowledge any discomfort, and she did not speak of herself as remarkable, because it conceded too much, because it sanctified tribal expectation when the only expectation that mattered should be rooted in an assessment of Mabel Jones. And by those lights, there was nothing surprising in her success, because Mabel Jones was always pedal to the floor, not over or around, but through, and if she was going to do it, it must be done to death. Her disposition toward life was that of an elite athlete who knows the opponent is dirty and the refs are on the take, but also knows that the championship is one game away.

“She called her son—Prince Jones—’Rocky’ in honor of her grandfather, who went by ‘Rock.’ I asked about his childhood, because the fact is that I had not known Prince all that well. He was among the people I would be happy to see at a party, whom I would describe [to] a friend as ‘a good brother,’ though I could not really account for his comings and goings. So she sketched him for me so that I might better understand. She said that he once hammered a nail into an electrical socket and shorted out the entire house. She said that he once dressed himself in a suit and tie, got down on one knee, and sang ‘Three Times a Lady’ to her. She said that he’d gone to private school his entire life—schools filled with Dreamers—but he made friends wherever he went, in Louisiana and later in Texas. I asked her how his friends’ parents treated her. ‘By then I was the chief of radiology at the local hospital,’ she said. ‘And so they treated me with respect.’ She said this with no love in her eye, coldly, as though she were explaining a mathematical function.

“Like his mother, Prince was smart. In high school he was admitted to a Texas magnet school for math and science, where students acquire college credit. Despite the school drawing from a state with roughly the population of Angola, Australia, or Afghanistan, Prince was the only black child. I asked Dr. Jones if she had wanted him to go to Howard. She smiled and said, ‘No.’ And then she added, ’It’s so nice to be able to talk about this.’ This relaxed me a little, because I could think of myself as something more than an intrusion. I asked where she had wanted him to go for college. She said, ‘Harvard. And if not Harvard, Princeton. And if not Princeton, Yale. And if not Yale, Columbia. And if not Columbia, Stanford. He was that caliber of student.’ But like at least one third of all the students who I knew who came to Howard, Prince was tired of having to represent to other people. These Howard students were not like me. They were the children of the Jackie Robinson elite, whose parents rose up out of the ghettos, and the sharecropping fields, went out into the suburbs, only to find that they carried the mark with them and they could not escape. Even when they succeeded, as so many of them did, they were singled out, made examples of, transfigured into parables of diversity. They were symbols and markers, never children or young adults. And so they come to Howard to be normal—and even more, to see how broad the black normal really is.

“Prince did not apply to Harvard, nor Princeton, nor Yale, nor Columbia, nor Stanford. He only wanted The Mecca. I asked Dr. Jones if she regretted Prince choosing Howard. She gasped. It was as though I had pushed too hard on a bruise. ‘No,’ she said. ‘I regret that he is dead.’

“She said this with great composure and greater pain. She said this with all of the odd poise and direction that the great American injury demands of you. Have you ever taken a hard look at those pictures from the sit-ins in the ’60s, a hard, serious look? Have you ever looked at the faces? The faces are neither angry, nor sad, nor joyous. They betray almost no emotion. They look out past their tormentors, past us, and focus on something way beyond anything ever known to me. I think they are fastened to their god, a god whom I cannot know. But, god or not, the armor is all over them, and it is real. Or perhaps it is not armor at all. Perhaps it is life extension, a kind of loan allowing you to take the assaults heaped upon you now and pay down the debt later. Whatever it is, that same look I see in those pictures, noble and vacuous, that was the look I saw in Mabel Jones. It was in her sharp brown eyes, which welled but did not break. She held so much under her control, and I was sure the days since her Rocky was plundered, since her lineage was robbed, had demanded nothing less.

“And she could not lean on her country for help. When it came to her son, Dr. Jones’s country did what it does best—it forgot him. The forgetting is habit, it is yet another necessary component of the Dream. They have forgotten the scale of theft that enriched them in slavery; the terror that allowed them, for a century, to pilfer the vote; the segregationist policy that gave them their suburbs. They have forgotten, because to remember would tumble them out of the beautiful Dream and force them to live down here with us, down here in the world. I am convinced that the Dreamers, at least the Dreamers of today, would rather live white than live free. In the Dream they are Buck Rogers, Prince Aragorn, an entire race of Skywalkers. To awaken them is to reveal that they are an empire of humans and, like all empires of humans, are built on the destruction of the body. It is to stain their nobility, to make them vulnerable, fallible, breakable humans.”

AMY GOODMAN: Ta-Nehisi Coates, speaking at the Union Baptist Church in Baltimore on the launch of his new best-seller, Between the World and Me, a book that’s based on a letter to his teenage son. We come back to the speech in a moment.

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AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman, as we go back to the speech of Ta-Nehisi Coates, the best-selling author whose new book is called Between the World and Me, based on a letter to his teenage son. He was speaking at the Union Baptist Church in Baltimore.

TA-NEHISI COATES: “Dr. Jones was asleep when the phone rang. It was 5 A.M. and on the phone was a detective telling her she should drive to Washington. Rocky was in the hospital. Rocky had been shot. She drove with her daughter. She was sure he was still alive. She paused several times as she explained this to me. She went directly to the ICU. Rocky was not there. A group of men with authority—doctors, lawyers, detectives, perhaps—took her into a room and told her he was gone. She paused again. She did not cry. Composure was too important now.

“’It was unlike anything I had felt before,’ she told me. ‘It was extremely physically painful. So much so that whenever a thought of him would come to mind, all I could do was pray and ask for mercy. I thought I was going to lose my mind and go crazy. I felt sick. I felt like I was dying.’

“I asked if she expected that the police officer who had shot Prince would be charged. She said, ‘Yes.’ Her voice was a cocktail of emotions. She spoke like an American, with the same expectations of fairness, even fairness belated and begrudged, that she took into medical school all those years ago. And she spoke like a black woman, with all the pain that undercuts those exact feelings.

“I now wondered about her daughter, who’d been recently married. There was a picture on display of this daughter and her new husband. Dr. Jones was not optimistic. She was intensely worried about her daughter bringing a son into America, because she could not save him, she could not secure his body from the ritual violence that claimed her son. She compared America to Rome. She said she thought the glory days of this country had long ago passed, and even those glory days were sullied, because they had been built on the bodies of others. ‘And we can’t get the message,’ she said. ‘We don’t understand that we are embracing our deaths.’

“I asked Dr. Jones if her mother was still alive. She told me her mother passed away in 2002, at the age of eighty-nine. I asked Dr. Jones how her mother had taken Prince’s death, and her voice retreated into an almost-whisper, and Dr. Jones said, ‘I don’t know that she did.’

“She alluded to 12 Years a Slave. ‘There he was,’ she said, speaking of Solomon Northup. ‘He had means. He had a family. He was living like a human being. And one racist act took him back. And the same is true of me. I spent years developing a career, acquiring assets, engaging responsibilities. And one racist act. It’s all it takes.’ And then she talked again of all that she had, through great industry, through unceasing labor, acquired in the long journey from grinding poverty. She spoke of how her children had been raised in the lap of luxury—annual ski trips, jaunts off to Europe. She said that when her daughter was studying Shakespeare in high school, she took her daughter to England. And when her daughter got her license at sixteen, a Mazda 626 was waiting out front. I sensed some connection to this, some desire to give and the raw poverty of her youth. I sensed that it was all as much for her as it was for her children. She said that Prince had never taken to material things. He loved to read. He loved to travel. But when he turned twenty-three, she bought him a jeep. She had a huge purple bow put on it. She told me that she still could see him there, looking at the jeep and simply saying, Thank you. Without interruption she added, ‘And that was the jeep he was killed in.’

“After I left, I sat in the car for a few minutes. I thought of all that Prince’s mother had invested in him, and all that was lost. I thought of the loneliness that sent him to The Mecca, and how The Mecca, how we, could not save him, how we ultimately cannot save ourselves. I thought back on the sit-ins, the protestors with their stoic faces, the ones I’d once scorned for hurling their bodies at the worst things in life. Perhaps they had known something terrible about the world. Perhaps they so willingly parted with the security and sanctity of the black body because neither security nor sanctity existed in the first place. And all those old photographs from the 1960s, all those films I beheld of black people prostrate before clubs and dogs, were not shameful, indeed were not shameful at all—they were just true. We are captured, brother, surrounded by the majoritarian bandits of America. And this has happened here, in our only home, and the terrible truth is that we cannot will ourselves to an escape on our own. Perhaps that was, is, the hope of the movement: to awaken the Dreamers, to rouse them to the facts of what their need to be white, to talk like they are white, to think that they are white, which is to think that they are beyond the design flaws of humanity, has done to the world.

“You, Samori, you cannot arrange your life around them and the small chance of them coming into consciousness. Our moment is too brief. Our bodies are too precious. And you are here now, and you must live—and there is so much out there to live for, not just in someone else’s country, but in your own home. The warmth of dark energies that drew me to The Mecca, that drew out Prince Jones, the warmth of our particular world, is beautiful, no matter how brief and breakable.

“I think back to our trip to Homecoming. I think back to the warm blasts rolling over us. We were at the football game. We were sitting in the bleachers with old friends and their children, caring for neither fumbles nor first downs. I remember looking toward the goalposts and watching a pack of alumni cheerleaders so enamored with Howard University that they donned their old colors and took out their old uniforms just a little bit so they’d fit. I remember them dancing. They’d shake, freeze, shake again, and when the crowd yelled ‘Do it! Do it! Dooo it!’ a black woman two rows in front of me, in her tightest jeans, stood and shook as though she was not somebody’s momma and the past twenty years had barely been a week. I remember walking down to the tailgate party without you. I could not bring you, but I have no problem telling you what I saw—the entire diaspora around me—hustlers, lawyers, Kappas, busters, doctors, barbers, Deltas, drunkards, geeks, and nerds. The DJ hollered into the mic. The young folks pushed toward him. A young man pulled out a bottle of cognac and twisted the cap. A girl with him smiled, tilted her head back, imbibed, laughed. And I felt myself disappearing into all of their bodies. The birthmark of damnation faded, and I could feel the weight of my arms and I could feel the heave in my breath and I was not talking then, because there was no point.

“That was a moment, a joyous moment, beyond their Dream—a moment imbued by a power more gorgeous than any voting rights bill. This power, this black power, originates in a view of the American galaxy taken from a dark and essential planet. Black power is the dungeon-side view of Monticello—which is to say, the view taken in struggle. And black power births a kind of understanding that illuminates all the galaxies in their truest colors. Even the Dreamers—lost in their great reverie—feel it, for it is Billie that they reach for in sadness, and Mobb Deep is what they holler in boldness, and Isley is what they hum in love, and Dre is what they yell in revelry, and Aretha is the last sound they hear before dying. We have made something down here. We have taken the one-drop rule of Dreamers and flipped them. They made us into a race. But we made ourselves into a people. Here at The Mecca, under the pain of selection, we have made a home. As do black people on summer blocks marked with needles, vials, and hopscotch squares. As do black people dancing it out at rent parties, as do black people at their family reunions where we are regarded like the survivors of catastrophe. As do black people toasting their cognac and German beers, passing their blunts and debating MCs. As do all of us who have voyaged through death, to life upon these shores.

“That was the love power that drew Prince Jones. The power is not just divinity but a deep knowledge of how fragile everything—even the Dream, especially the Dream—really is. Sitting in that car I thought of Dr. Jones’s predictions of national doom. I had heard such predictions all my life from Malcolm and all his posthumous followers who hollered that the Dreamers must reap what they sow. I saw the same prediction in the words of Marcus Garvey who promised to return in a whirlwind of vengeful ancestors, an army of Middle Passage undead. No. When I left The Mecca, I knew that that was all too pat, and knowing that the Dreamers should reap what they had sown, we would reap it right along with them. Plunder has matured into habit, and habit into addiction; and the people who could author the mechanized death of our ghettos, the mass rape of private prisons, and then engineer their own forgetting, must inevitably plunder much more. This is not a belief in prophecy, it is a belief in the seductiveness of cheap gasoline.

“Once, the Dream’s parameters were caged by technology and by the limits of horsepower and wind. But the Dreamers have improved themselves, and the damming of seas for voltage, the extraction of coal, the transmuting of oil into food, have enabled an expansion, a plunder with no known precedent. And this revolution has freed the Dreamers to plunder not just the body of black humans but the body of the Earth itself. The Earth is not our creation. It has no respect for us. It has no use for us. And its vengeance is not the fire in the cities but the fire in the sky. Something more fierce than Marcus Garvey is riding on the whirlwind. Something more awful than all of our African ancestors is rising with the seas. The two phenomena are known to each other. It was the cotton that passed through our chained hands that inaugurated this age. It is the flight from us that sent them sprawling into their subdivided woods. And the methods of transport through these new subdivisions, across the sprawl, is the automobile, the noose around the neck of the earth, and ultimately, the Dreamers themselves.

“I drove away from the house of Mabel Jones thinking of all of this. I drove away, as always, thinking of you. I do not believe we can stop them, Samori, because they must ultimately stop themselves. And still I urge you to struggle. Struggle for the memory of your ancestors. Struggle for wisdom. Struggle for the warmth of The Mecca. Struggle for your grandmother and grandfather, struggle for your name. But do not struggle for the Dreamers. Hope for them. Pray for them, if you are so moved. But do not pin your struggle on their conversion. The Dreamers will have to learn to struggle themselves, to understand that the field for their Dream, the stage where they have painted themselves white, is the deathbed of us all. The Dream is the same habit that endangers the planet, the same habit that sees our bodies stowed away in prisons and ghettos. I saw these ghettos driving from Dr. Jones’s home. They were the same ghettos I had seen in Chicago all those years ago, the same ghettos where my mother was raised, where my father was raised. Through the windshield I saw the mark of these ghettos—the abundance of beauty shops, churches, liquor stores, and crumbling housing—and I felt the old fear. Through the windshield I saw the rain coming down in sheets.”

Thank you.

AMY GOODMAN: Ta-Nehisi Coates, author of Between the World and Me, based on a letter to his teenage son. He was speaking on the launch of the book at the Union Baptist Church in Baltimore. If you’d like to get a copy of today’s show, you can go to our website at democracynow.org. When we come back, a conversation with Ta-Nehisi Coates.

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Ta-Nehisi Coates, author of “Between the World and Me”

Published on http://www.democracynow.org/

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Louisiana Cop Fired After KKK Picture Becomes Public https://truthvoice.com/2015/09/louisiana-cop-fired-after-kkk-picture-becomes-public/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=louisiana-cop-fired-after-kkk-picture-becomes-public Sun, 06 Sep 2015 11:35:40 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/09/louisiana-cop-fired-after-kkk-picture-becomes-public/
Raymond Mott pictured giving the Nazi salute at a KKK rally

Raymond Mott pictured giving the Nazi salute at a KKK rally

A cop in Louisiana has been fired after a photo of him at a Ku Klux Klan rally in North Carolina has surfaced.

Mainstream media reported that the Lake Arthur town council unanimously voted to terminate Raymond Mott earlier this week after the photo started circulating on Facebook.

“The picture speaks for itself,” Mott said. “I’m standing at a rally against illegal immigration. There’s not much to be said about the picture. I’ve never denied it was me.”

The photo was apparently taken at a Klan rally at an undisclosed location in North Carolina last summer. It was said to have been an anti-immigration rally.

The former Lake Arthur officer said the town council did not follow proper protocol in firing him and that his termination was illegal. He said he plans to take legal action against the town.

Mott said information has been released that puts his family at risk, according to KTAC.

Community members who were at the meeting on Wednesday to fire him said his termination was in everyone’s best interests.

 
KPLC 7 News, Lake Charles, Louisiana

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Ohio Cop Fired For Racist, Offensive Facebook Posts https://truthvoice.com/2015/05/ohio-cop-fired-for-racist-offensive-facebook-posts/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=ohio-cop-fired-for-racist-offensive-facebook-posts Thu, 28 May 2015 08:43:55 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/05/ohio-cop-fired-for-racist-offensive-facebook-posts/

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The Facebook activities of a longtime Reynoldsburg, Ohio police officer got her fired this month.

Officer Katherine Mielke, who worked for the department for 22 years, was terminated last week following a months-long investigation into her behavior on social media.

Reynoldsburg Police Chief James O’Neill called for Mielke’s termination last month, charging her with violating police conduct rules and saying her reputation was so damaged that she would no longer be an effective officer for the city.

katherine-kalbouss-mielkeMielke, according to O’Neill’s report, shared a cartoon on Facebook depicting a black man with exaggerated features being arrested near a violent crime scene while similar characters complained of police brutality.

She also shared a joke that mocked a Chinese man’s struggle to understand English that culminated in him having sex with his boss’ wife.

Other officers and city employees had asked Mielke to stop posting racist materials, O’Neill wrote.

“I believe that there is real potential for long-term, irreversible damage to the reputation of the City of Reynoldsburg and the Reynoldsburg Division of Police,” O’Neill wrote. “I also feel that there is a likelihood that any future adversarial dealings Officer Mielke might have with the African-American or Asian-American communities would be called into question.”

Mielke referred questions to the Fraternal Order of Police, which has not returned a call seeking comment. Her personnel file is thick with compliments and thank-yous for her work.

Mielke, who worked as a school resource and DARE officer, was placed on administrative leave in March. Her most recent base salary was $80,683.

Published by Columbus Dispatch.

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Miami Beach Cops Sent Hundreds of Homophobic, Racist And Pornographic E-mails https://truthvoice.com/2015/05/miami-beach-cops-sent-hundreds-of-homophobic-racist-and-pornographic-e-mails/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=miami-beach-cops-sent-hundreds-of-homophobic-racist-and-pornographic-e-mails Sun, 17 May 2015 08:41:36 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/05/miami-beach-cops-sent-hundreds-of-homophobic-racist-and-pornographic-e-mails/

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Police in Miami have launched an inquiry after it was revealed that a handful of officers – some of them senior figures – allegedly sent hundreds of racist and pornographic emails, which included so-called jokes about President Barack Obama.

Reports said an internal investigation had revealed that the sending of the emails possibly jeopardised dozens of criminal cases in southern Florida in which the officers were witnesses.

Police Chief Daniel Oates said that two of the 16 officers were senior members of the Miami Beach Police Department and were alleged to be the main instigators. One has retired, and the other was fired on Thursday, he said. They were identified as former Major Angel Vazquez and former Captain Alex Carulo, CBS Miami reported.

 

“They were the primary purveyors of pornography and high volume of it. I was shocked and angry,” Mr Oates told a press conference.

Mr Vazquez has since retired, but could face a potential criminal charge for his alleged role in circulating an post-mortem photograph of Raymond Herisse who was shot by police in 2011 during the Memorial Day holiday, Mr Oates said.

Mr Oates said the probe revealed about 230 emails that were demeaning to African-Americans and women, or else pornographic in nature.

Many were depictions of crude racial jokes involving Mr Obama or black celebrities such as golfer Tiger Woods. One showed a woman with a black eye and the caption, “Domestic violence. Because sometimes, you have to tell her more than once.”

One of the racially offensive emails depicted a board game called “Black Monopoly” in which every square says “go to jail.”

Miami-Dade government prosecutor Katherine Fernandez Rundle said about 540 cases in which the officers were witnesses are being reviewed to determine if they are tainted racially. Some charges could be dropped as a result, or prisoners could be freed from jail.

“These activities are a breach of trust. They are disgusting,” she said.

There has not yet been any public comment from the officers accused of sending the emails.

Mr Oates said the emails came to light in an unrelated 2013 internal affairs probe. Most of the messages spanned the years 2010 to mid-2012, and many of the officers involved apparently just received the offensive ones rather than forwarding them.

The case comes in the wake of another, similar scandal in the San Francisco Police Department involving officers exchanging racist and homophobic text messages.

It also comes amid a national debate about issues of race and law enforcement and the way some police treat black suspects.

Published on The Independent by Andrew Buncombe

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Sheriff Glad Suspect Shot by Deputies Was Not Black https://truthvoice.com/2015/05/sheriff-glad-suspect-shot-by-deputies-was-not-black/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=sheriff-glad-suspect-shot-by-deputies-was-not-black Fri, 15 May 2015 08:47:01 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/05/sheriff-glad-suspect-shot-by-deputies-was-not-black/

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Last Sunday (May 10), police in Kentucky shot John Kennedy Fenwick after a car chase that ended in a deputy shooting the suspect during a fight. The sheriff for the county where the incident took place held a press conference Monday (May 11) and expressed what seemed to be relief that Fenwick wasn’t a Black person.

The bizarre press conference announcement started out normally enough with Bardstown Police Chief Rick McCubbin explaining the finer details of the situation that ended with the shooting of the 25-year-old Fenwick. Fenwick and a sheriff’s deputy fought at the end of a chase after cops caught up with the stolen truck Fenwick was driving. As Fenwick went for the deputy’s gun, he was then shot. Fenwick survived the shooting, but the chase left officers injured and cars damaged according to local reports.

Around 12 minutes into the conference, Nelson County Sheriff Ed Mattingly responded to a reporter’s question regarding any impending reaction from the community in this latest incident in where a police officer shot a suspect.

“We must take notice of previous cases and how the media has handled those situations. We want the public to be informed and accurately informed. We do not want trouble,” Mattingly said. “The media has not done a very good job of informing the public, and the public is not educated on how the system actually works.”

Mattingly added, “We are glad that he is white, and we shouldn’t have to be worried about that. And we do not want any backlash or violence in this community because people have been misinformed. I think that the public needs to know how the criminal justice system works and what officers are able to do.”

So basically, Mattingly is aware of the disproportionate rate of Black people killed by police when compared to whites and understands how the “backlash” he warned against happened. Yet, it appears Mattingly is putting the onus of the nationwide reactions and debate over police violence onto the media instead of the officers who the public entrusts to uphold the law and not gun people of color down. Does that add up for anyone else? Didn’t think so.

What’s apparent is he didn’t want a certain, ahem, element in his county if the shoe was ever on the other foot.

Watch Nelson County Sheriff Ed Mattingly embarrass his police department by actually declaring he was glad a suspect shot by one of his deputies was a white man. Start the video around the 12:30 mark.

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It’s Time to Talk About the Black Police Officers Who Killed Freddie Gray https://truthvoice.com/2015/05/its-time-to-talk-about-the-black-police-officers-who-killed-freddie-gray/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=its-time-to-talk-about-the-black-police-officers-who-killed-freddie-gray Fri, 15 May 2015 08:40:33 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/05/its-time-to-talk-about-the-black-police-officers-who-killed-freddie-gray/

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Caesar Goodson. Alicia White. William Porter.

These are three of the Baltimore City police officers facing criminal charges in the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who suffered a fatal spine injury in their custody in April. They’re not the only ones being charged: Brian Rice, Garrett Miller and Edward Nero are implicated as well, on allegations ranging from manslaughter to second-degree murder.

The difference is that the first three officers are black — which brings a complicated dimension to conversations about race and police violence in America today.

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When Michael Brown was killed by a Ferguson, Missouri, police officer in August, the media highlighted a glaring disparity: 67% of Ferguson’s population was black, while all but three of the city’s 53-member police force was white. The police chief was white. So was the mayor and most of the city council and school board. The reporting implied that with such a racially lopsided power structure, it’s no wonder such a fraught relationship existed between white law enforcement and the black population.

Then Baltimore happened. While much of the response to Ferguson’s problems focused on diversifying the power apparatus through voting, Baltimore already had a black mayor (Stephanie Rawlings-Blake), a black police commissioner (Anthony W. Batts) and a relatively black police department. Clearly, this hasn’t helped much — as Stacia L. Brown notes at the New Republic, the relationship between Baltimore’s poor black residents and law enforcement, black or white, is still marked by harassment and even brutality.

“Interaction between black leadership and residents might not be predatory [like in Ferguson], but their relationship is navigated firmly within the parameters of institutional racism,” she writes.

Proof of this came when the city erupted in protests and riots last month. It was triggered directly by the death of 25-year-old Freddie Gray while in police custody, but the unrest was also a response to years of police abuse and government neglect that affects housing, health and education in swaths of the city.

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But how does it reframe our understanding of racism that the perpetrators of anti-black police can also be black?

There are numerous possibilities. Some observers — like former Washington, D.C., narcotics investigator Frank Starks — attribute the current dynamic to a shift in how police approach their jobs. During his 27-year tenure as a black officer in a majority-black district,  ending in 1996, the South Carolina native says he entered the force at a time when a push for diversifying police departments was underway.

He says law enforcement interactions with residents in even high-crime areas was not limited to arrests, raids and drug sweeps back then — police patrolled neighborhoods on foot and developed a rapport and personal relationship with their communities.

“Today, the police don’t come in contact with communities on a friendly basis, without any crime involved,” Starks told Mic in an interview. “I might’ve been called an ‘Uncle Tom’ from time to time, but overall, people had more respect for officers. We had more discipline then. We knew you had to treat people the way you wanted to be treated.”

This suggests that the interpersonal relationships informing police and citizen interactions have fundamentally changed for the worst.

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But Jelani Cobb at the New Yorker points to a broader set of issues:

“At some point soon, Ferguson, like Baltimore, may have more proportional black representation, but the socioeconomic trends in that city won’t automatically change. Gray died 28 years after Baltimore’s first black mayor took office, yet the statistical realities at the time of his death—a 24% poverty rate, 37% unemployment among young black men—show how complicated and durable the dynamics of race and racism can be.”

These patterns were years in the making — following the large-scale oppression of black people through slavery, segregation laws only continued to impoverish, criminalize and disenfranchise black people. Police continue to enforce those laws firmly establishing race and class roles even decades after segregation laws were ruled unconstitutional, as Michelle Alexander outlines in her groundbreaking 2010 book, The New Jim Crow. Nonetheless, the practices of maintaining segregation — including criminalizing entire populations throughmass incarceration and the war on drugs — continue. And the enforcers of these norms can be interchangeable.

As long as you’re maintaining a white supremacist hierarchy, it doesn’t particularly matter what your skin color is. Black people, and black police officers, are not immune to this dynamic.

It’s why the system has been effective for so long.

Published on mic.com by Zak Cheney-Rice

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FBI’s Warning of White Supremacists Infiltrating Law Enforcement Nearly Forgotten https://truthvoice.com/2015/05/fbis-warning-of-white-supremacists-infiltrating-law-enforcement-nearly-forgotten/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=fbis-warning-of-white-supremacists-infiltrating-law-enforcement-nearly-forgotten Wed, 13 May 2015 10:35:47 +0000 http://truthvoice.com/2015/05/fbis-warning-of-white-supremacists-infiltrating-law-enforcement-nearly-forgotten/

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Because of intensifying civil strife over the recent killings of unarmed black men and boys, many Americans are wondering, “What’s wrong with our police?” Remarkably, one of the most compelling, but unexplored explanations may rest with a FBI warning of October 2006, which reported that “White supremacist infiltration of law enforcement” represented a significant national threat.

Several key events preceded the report. A federal court found that members of a Los Angeles sheriffs department formed a Neo Nazi gang and habitually terrorized the black community. Later, the Chicago police department fired, Jon Burge, a detective with reputed ties to the Ku Klux Klan, after discovering he tortured over 100 Black male suspects. Thereafter, the Mayor of Cleveland discovered that many of the city police locker rooms were infested with “White Power” graffiti. Years later, a Texas sheriff department discovered that two of its deputies were recruiters for the Klan.

In near prophetic fashion, after the FBI’s warning, white supremacy extremism in the U.S. increased, exponentially. From 2008 to 2014, the number of white supremacist groups, reportedly, grew from 149 to nearly a thousand, with no apparent abatement in their infiltration of law enforcement.

This year, alone, at least seven San Francisco law enforcement officers were suspended after an investigation revealed they exchanged numerous “White Power” communications laden with remarks about “lynching African-Americans and burning crosses.” Three reputed Klan members that served as correction officers were arrested for conspiring to murder a Black inmate. At least four Fort Lauderdale police officers were fired after an investigation found that the officers fantasized about killing black suspects.

The United States doesn’t publicly track white supremacists so the full range of their objectives remains murky. Although black and Jewish-Americans are believed to be the foremost targets of white supremacists, recent attacks in Nevada, Wisconsin, Arizona, Kansas, and North Carolina, demonstrate that other non-whites, and religious and social minorities, are also vulnerable. Perhaps more alarmingly, in the last several years, alone, white supremacists have reportedly murdered law enforcement officers in Arkansas, Nevada, and Wisconsin.

In fact, the FBI reports that of the 511 law enforcement officers killed during felony incidents from 2004 to 2013, white citizens killed the majority of them. Of the citizens stopped by law enforcement officers in New York City and Chicago, white citizens were more likely to be found with guns and drugs. Given the white supremacist penchant for violence, guns and drug trafficking, the findings may be an indication that their network is just as destructive and far-reaching as that of foreign terrorist groups.

The unfortunate consequence of today’s threat is that a law enforcement officer may be good or bad, a villain or hero; one exceptionally prone to exhibit malicious forms of racial hatred, or, distinctively suited to protect the racially oppressed. But the paradox doesn’t end there.

The white supremacist threat brings to light a dark feature of the American experience that some believed extinct. It rouses ingrained notions of distrusts between police and communities of color, while bringing to bear the vital interest citizens of good will share in the complete abolishment of race as a judgmental factor.

As the nation struggles to resolve the perplexities of police brutality, the white supremacist threat should inform all Americans that today’s civil discord is not borne out of a robust animosity towards law enforcement, most of whom, are professional. Rather, it’s more representative of a centuries old ideological clash, which has ignited in citizens of good will a desire to affirm notions of racial equality so that the moral ethos of American culture is a reality for all.

Samuel V. Jones is a former military police captain and currently a professor of law focusing on criminal law at The John Marshall Law School. 

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